Homage to revered Comrade Jaswantha Rao  

Jaswantha Rao

The Communist movement faced a major loss with the departure of  Comrade Jaswantha Rao, who was the secretary of the Tarimela Nagi Reddy memorial Trust,last August. Sadly he was victim of the Corona epidemic . For over 4 decades he made an invaluable contribution towards shimmering the torch of Marxism- Leninism-Mao Thought as an activist and writer. His most striking qualities were his humility and consistency. Few Comrades invested such depths of energy in defending the contribution of Tarimela Nagi Reddy. Whether we support his political line of practice is not the point but what we must uphold was how the Comrade displayed the tenacity of a boulder to defend the Communist Revolutionary camp.

From the 1970’s itself he received his inception or baptism in the Indian Communist Movement and played an instrumental role in the work of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee and later the formation of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India. His guidance played a key role in the big penetration of mass movement in all spheres of the UCCCRI(ML).H rendered an invaluable service towards the establishment of the mass line. From the 1980’s he became the editor of the party Organ ‘Muktigami.’At the time of his death he performed the role of editor of ‘Class Struggle’ Organ of the C,P.I.(M.L.)

As secretary of the Tarimela Nagi Reddy Memorial Trust he shimmered the spark of the legendary comrade in the deepest depths of despair. One of his most mounumental contributions was getting the translations done in different languages of ‘India Mortgaged’ the classic written by T.Nagi Reddy.His writings tooth and nail exposed the neo-fascist nature

I can never forget the times we spent together where he narrated the massline practice of T.Nagi Reddy both in Madras when releasing the Tamil issue of India Mortgaged and in the All India seminar in Hyderabad on Problems Confronting the Indian Communist Movement. He respected comrades from all streams and till the end strived for Unity. His contribution to the success of seminar in September 2018 was immense. I also give him credit for the regularity of the party Organ ‘Class Struggle’ in which he made a painstaking effort.

Quoting Comrdae Viswam “The philosophical, political and organizational orientation of Comrade Jaswantha Rao is unparalleled. Comrade Jaswanth’s unshakable convictions helped him to carry on an organized work in the revolutionary movement. He penned some writings under the pen name Prashant. They were full of anger and hatred towards the exploiting system which were boiling in his mind. Jaswanth looked cool and calm. But he was not so calm when it came to politics. His pen was giving a shape of word to what was brewing in the cauldron of his heart.”

“As a rationalist right from the days of high school and college education he was impressing upon the members of his family to shed the superstitious ideas and practices. In line with the complaint of Students’ Union he revolted against the principal for encouraging caste chauvinism in the Medical College. For this, he was suspended from the college. But it did not deter him. These qualities naturally had moved Comrade Jaswanth towards the Communist philosophy. He moulded his life accordingly. Getting emotional is a trait of Comrade Jaswanth. But he did not become a Communist Revolutionary because of these emotions. It was the depth, weight and expanse of his philosophical, ideological and political orientation that moulded him into a Communist Revolutionary. He could endure the pain and agony at the last moment of his life in hospital with immense hope towards life and revolution. On August 25th, he assured Comrade Seshamma raising his tone and from behind the mask that “I will come back.”

I will most remember him for his contribution towards the Volumes of the ‘Historical and polemical Documents of the Communist Movement of India. ‘The Works are simply a form of a classic with a most authentic and scholarly research .It is a compilation of articles from the best available sources by the Tarimela Nagi Reddy Memorial Trust. Here I am reviewing the 2nd Volume. of the period from 1964-1972.


The most admirable aspect of the 2nd Volume covering the period from 1964-72 is it’s impartiality towards any particular trend and giving respect to varying points of view. Most systematically it has dug out all available sources of information from the archives in a chronological manner. The writings published are the most insightful and cogeal in helping a reader make a verdict on the massline practice in India. It enables a reader to trace the roots of the development of the massline and Mao thought and relates it to problems of building agrarian revolutionary movement in India. It lucidly portrays the polemical debates, counter arguments and mutual criticism of the Charu Mazumdar line with that of Tarimela Nagi Reddy.It makes a reader make up his mind with a rational perspective rather than just being swayed. or carried away by a particular trend.

Part 1 comprises the differences and Struggles inside the framework of the Communist Party of India(Marxist) .They incisively describe the genesis of the battle waged against revisionism inside the C.P.I(M.) It includes the present situation and Tasks of the Commitee for Struggle against revisionism, Ideological Issues in International Communist Movement by D Venkateswara Rao,Documents of Andhra Communist Plenum divided into 3 sections, Letter to Andhra Comrades from the Politburo the C.P.I.(M.),Open letter to party members by T.Nagi Reddy,DV Rao,Kolla Venkayya and Chandra Pulla Reddy,Resolutions of the Naxalbari O Krishak Sangram Sahayak Commmitee.

Chapter 2 publishes the Documents of the All- India Co-ordination Commitee of Communist Revolutionaries with it’s 2 declarations,resolution on elections,trade union front,APCCCR,Party formation and Communique.

Chapter 3 publishes documents of the APCCR which highlights the path carved out by T.Nagi Reddy to guide the struggle against revisionism and left adventurism .Nagi Reddy’s interviews are published as well as his resignation speech n the assembly. What is of utmost importance here are the Immediate programme and summarizing of the problems of the Girijan peasant movement which were part of the Documents of the state convention of the APCCCR.

The 4th chapter covers the Documents of the C.P.I.(M.L.) like the political resolution and documents of the 1970 Party Congress like the party programme.Political-Organizatioal report and it’s evaluation.

The 5th chapter deals with the differences within the C.P.I.(M.L.)with articles by R.N.Upahadyaya in 1970,Article on problems and crisis of Indian Revolution by Sushital Roychoudhury,Utpal Dutt’s ‘General Line in Colonial Revolution,’ and a critique of the Howrah Political Resolution.

Chapter 6 publishes important articles from Liberation by Charu Mazumdar and an important work of Souren Bose on establishing Revolutionary Authority.Charu Mazumadar’s last letter is also printed. In chronological order Charu Mazumdar’s works covering peasant revolutionary struggle, guerrilla actions, party work in urban and rural areas, establishing closer unity with Peasants armed Struggle and Peoples Interest is the Party’s interest is published.

In Chapter 7 the ‘Differences in the Communist Revolutionary Movement’ are described .This is the most relevant section throwing light on the polemical aspects and mutual criticism of massline struggle. It publishes the writings of the APRCC on co-ordination and Unity and the one on ‘Left trend among Indian Revolutionaries. A critique of politic sof Nagi Reddy is published by the C.P.I.(M.L) and a counter reply by the APRCC.Essays have been published by Asit Sen ,Promode Sengupta and Prabhat Jana.Documents of North Zonal Commite were also printed.

Chapter 8 covers Reviews and reports of revolutionary Movements like the peasant movement in Terai,by Kanu Sanyal,Experiences and Lessons by Gananath Patra,Analysis of the Debra Peasant Movement by Gundahar Murmu,Communist Revolutionary Movement in Kerala by Jos Abraham,A report of Kondamodalu by Simhadri Subba Reddy,Self-cirtical report of Satya Narayan Sinha,,Chou En Lai’s historic talk with Souren Bose and an open letter of six comrades in 1972.

The book is an absolute must in the library of any Marxist Leninist cadre to grasp the essential ingredients of massline in India. It is also a permanent part of the Marxist-Leninist treasure house or major source for intellectuals who wish to do comprehensive research on the Indian Communist Movement.

What is striking is that even intellectuals who were ardent supporters of Charu Mazumdar or the Maoists today were deeply impressed by this work. Professor Amit Bhattacharya felt that the volumes deeply assisted him in researching for his book ‘Storming the Gates of Heaven. ‘ which summarizes history of Indian Maoist Movement and praised its contribution in the Introduction. Professor G.N.Saibaba felt it also was valuable part of his library and so did pro-T.Nagi Reddy line activists of Punjab like Jaspal Jassi and Pavel Kussa of journal ‘Surkh Leeh  ‘and N.K.Jeet of Lok Morcha as well as Scott Harrison of California of blog massline and Nicholas Glais of Democracy and class Struggle blog.

The book in great historical perspective throws light on how in essence the programme, path and practice of Charu Mazumdar C.P.I. (M.L) formed in 1969. Hardly gave importance to agrarian revolutionary programme or massline.It does great justice to the massline contribution of Tarimela Nagi Reddy and the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination  Commitee of Communist Revolutionaries. Most lucidly it illustrates the defective nature of the formation of the C.P.I.(M.L.) in 1969.However it still does do justice to the historical contribution of Comrade Charu Mazumdar in pioneering the Naxalbari Struggle.It makes it clear that whatever his aberrations Charu Mazumdar was not a ‘terrorist’ but a great revolutionary Marxist.

The book is a perfect reference for cadres to review practice of correct massline which was vitiated even after a self-criticism was initiated by the Andhra Pradesh State Commitee and the Central Organizing Commitee in the 1970’s.Left adventurist tendencies of armed guerrilla squads were reflected by the C.P.I.(M.L.)Peoples War from the 1980’s even if self-criticism was initiated and mass organizations and movements introduced. The writings of the Girijan movement in Srikakulam and Kondamudalu have strong bearing on later historical developments with ‘annihilation’ errors repeated.

What may be missing is a more comprehensive introduction relating the relevance of the documents in the historical context with regard to the present Maoist movement and that of other Communist Revolutionary Streams. Another factor neglected was the comparison of Conditions in China before the revolution and India today in terms of comparing the difference in type or content of feudalism and viability of path of protracted people’s war.Afterall India does not have warlords like in China before 1949 and has far more deeply entrenched bourgeois parliamentary democratic system. Even the impact of globalisation has crucial bearing .Whatever the great sacrifices and achievements even today armed struggle led by Maoist is vitiated by weaknesses in practice of massline .Significant that even today the C.P.I. (Maoist) classifies Nagi Reddy-DV Rao line as economist and supporting stages theory.


.Sushital Roy Chowdhury in document, ‘Problems and Crisis of Indian Revolution’ and ‘Resist the Ultra-adventurist trend Raising its head in our party, ‘very lucidly or illustratively combated the left adventurist roots of Charu Mazumdar line like ‘annihilation of class enemy’ and negation of mass organizations. In deep depth he elaborated how in essence it violated the Chinese path of protracted peoples War. with important historical references of the Chinese Revolution. With great intensity it criticized the authoritarianism of Charu Mazumdar.Most dialectically it contrasted the practice of the CPC practice under Chairman Mao with regards to ‘Formation of guerrilla units in a secret manner or deployment of ‘annihilation ‘ tactics. With great conviction he expressed the defective nature of forming guerrilla units through a conspirational method and neglect of political propaganda for a sustained period to build up class struggles. Neglect of working amongst urban working class was highlighted

  1. To conduct extensive mass work among the proletarian masses in towns so that cadres from among workers maybe sent to villages.
  2. To build solidarity movements in towns with worker’s participation.
  3. To build up secret party Organisation with select cades so that sustained work could be built up.

Sushital recounted how mass demonstrations in support of Cambodia were abandoned .Another important aspect exposed was the wrong assessment that the world was on the brink of third world war.


Asit Sen formed the West Bengal Commitee and brought out a journal called ‘Liberation War. A detailed report was made of an investigation undertaken under the banner of ‘Krishak Sangram Commitee”in Birbhum district. It divided the Landless peasants under sections of Hird,Mahindar,Muish.Poor peasants classified either poor, lower middle class,middle,rich,,Jotedars-money-lenders. In deep detail it analyzed the nature of all these sections and their inter-relationships in perspective of building abroad united front in a rural area.

‘Chapter ‘Approach to Naxlbari:Historical Perspective threw light on the socio-economic conditions prevailing, the semi-feudal,semi-colonial nature of the system, stage of revolution ,withdrawal of Telengana armed struggle and betrayal of the CPM.

Pramod Sengupta in ‘Whither Revolution’ covered necessity of ideological struggle, Marxism and anarchism ,Marx and Trade Union,Economic struggle and economism,Lenin and ‘Leftsim’,Stalin and Trade Unions,Trade Unions and Labour movement in China under Mao Tse Tung,Mao and pertit bourgeois revolutionism’,Charu Mazumdar and Trade Unions, Revolutionary politics from outside by Charu Mazumdar’,’Charu Mazumdar and theory of peasant revolution’ and ‘Why correct analysis was not made about Naxalbari,and ‘ Arrogance of Charu Mazumdar’. Promode Sengupta exposed Charu Mazumdar’s rejection of trade Unions and in dental recounted the left sectarian errors in the Chinese revolution under Li Li San.He summarized Charu’s error on rejecting economic struggles. A criticism was made of CM for rejecting agrarian struggle and only calling for capturing sate power. A vivid contrast was made with the practice of Kanu Sanyal in Shiluguri where political power of peasants was set up through revolutionary commitees who re-distributed land.


In Orissa Gananath Patra wrote a detailed summary on the experiences and lessons in the work in South Orissa in April 1975.A review was made of the activities of the State Co-ordination Commitee ,in Vizag-Malkangiri district ,in Sompeta area,in Gunpur and in Urban areas.

A vivid description is given of the activities in Sonpeta area on how the masses were called to occupy banjar land and landlord’s land, not to give any bribe to forest guards and other government officials and to settle internal disputes of the masses in their own villages without going to the enemies courts. They were persuaded to use medicines and depend on modern medical science for cure from diseases without entertaining prejudices by rites and sacrifices.

A problem was caused by a small group in the area kept faith in the ‘left’ line of annihilation which caused desperation among primary cadres. Call was given to the people before the harvest season of 1972 in the hil border zone to seize the crop of landlords. Formally all the villager were well to do peasants and were having small amount of loans from the landlord-money lenders of the outside plain at the time of need, and mortgaging plots of their land.90 acres of land belonging to these villages were snatched away by non -tribal landlord -money lender-rich peasants and even some middle peasants.

By 1972, 60 acres out of these 90 acres were registered as sold to landlords-moneylenders and others. The remaining 30 acres of land was being illegally enjoyed by landlord-moneylenders as it was mortgaged to them. It was not possible on the part of the inhabitants of the area to seize the crop of the lands as there was no access to villages where landlords-moneylenders lived.

In 1972, people seized the crop of the 30 acres of mortgaged land. The immediate task of the party was to unify the peasant masses. A contradiction between the Savar and Majhi community was resolved .Inspite of obstruction of left opportunism crop seizing action was systematically undertaken in the manner of a mass festival.Children,women and old men also participated .The action was started at night with a classical implementation of massline.

In Koraput-Ganjam-Srikakulam border areas struggle was waged resisting exploitation of officials of forest revenue and police and turning down illegal debts in the northern side. Tremors were created in the camp of the forest officials with many a successful struggle led of turning down debts. United front tactics had been successful implemented. The debts of big money lenders were turned down totally where as those of small money lenders were effected partially. This made money lenders stop giving loans. The masses, therefore gheraoed the collector, demanding loan and achieved the same. In later period people occupied Banjar land.and obtained it.

A detailed report was made on the experience in Ganjam-Srikakulam Border areas. It reported how mass line was implemented with forming open mass organization and building up of open area movement. Within the year 1972-73, the primary resistance movement of the masses against exploitation, oppression of police and chowkidars officials of excise and revenue departments and money lenders. As a consequence of the Movement, officers of various Govt.departments atleast accepted the local tribes as human beings, the local exploiters, money-lenders, reduced the degree of their exploitation being partially-terror stricken and the masses have been aroused partially.

A report on the Kondamodalu peasant movement the question of formation of guerrilla armed squad was reviewed and analyzed with deep precision. It was decided that when the people’s movement was on an upswing people must stage resistance to defend themselves from conspirational attacks and atrocities of landlord forces. After the arrest of important leaders like Ramalingachari trend of ‘annihilation of the class enemy’ emerged. This review most dialectically elaborated the various obstacles and achievements like Problem of moneylenders, Problem of Farm servants, Volunteer squads, Programme on land question, formation of guerrilla squad and Transplantation programme to extend movement to the new areas. In the part on transplantation it analyzed the problems that they were confronted like trying to establish all powers to people’s Commmitees,People’s preparedness for resistance in harvesting, attempts by landlords to divided tribals on caste lines and intensification of police repression.

Different branches of the party and various revolutionary groups, were following different lines, and the comrades concerned had no contact with the party, there had been certain mistakes there.

First, though under the existing conditions it was necessary to use cover protection from the enemy, the comrade used cover both for the enemy and the people. As a result, it was not possible to propagate Marxism-Leninism-Mao Thought and politics of New Democratic Revolution and Agrarian Revolution. Directly among the broad masses of the people. The idea of combining open and Secret work could not be imparted to the people. Thus the creating of a secret party organisation was formed for the whole are and a provisional programme of the movement was accepted. The programme consisted of land crop seizing, cancellation of illegal debts, claim of proper wage and resistance to the oppression and exploitation of the forest revenue officials and constables.

A secret peasant association was formed in the Southern region, with a call given to seize crops from the landlord. A demand was placed for 5 mans of paddy as the rate of daily wage in the Southern part. Landless and poor peasants could get two’manas’ and at a few places-2 ½ mans of paddy as their daily wage. When mass movement was at its initial stage, it was not possible on our part to congregate the broad masses, of the people, as a whole our work became secret, and hence there remained no open form of mass organization to lead open activities.

Towards January 1974, struggle was waged resisting exploitation of officials of forest revenue and police turning down illegal debts in the Northern State.

Turning off of debts was quite successful. United front tactics was followed .Programme for a co-operative fund was established. The debts of big money lenders were turned down totally where as those of small money lenders were affected partially. Debt of rich and middle peasants was pad back with nominal or no interest.

The officials of forest, revenue and police department were afraid of the struggle waged against their exploitation .The money lenders no more lented out money which prompted the masses to gherao the collector, demanding loan and achieved the same. In the later period people occupied Banjar lands and demanded for it’s legal ownership documents and obtained it.

In the Northern part, progress was also made with the advancement of the party organization. Still there was lack of sufficient intellectual cadres. The movement suffered a major setback after the surrender of underground cadres in the first half of 1969.Ideological-Political weakness and Left-deviation were the primary causes for this.

From the beginning of 1972 mass movement of the peasantry continued in Koraput,Ganjam and Gunupur area. In the Northern part the cadre used cover among the masses and thus it was not possible to build a secret party organization. In the Southern part activities were limited to complete secrecy and illegality and thus it was not possible to mobilise broad masses of the people, in the earlier period. In later period, as a result of combining secret with open work and establishing open forum mass organisations combined with secret mass organisations , the roots were laid for sculpting a resurgence of mass movement.

In Urban areas mass groups like “Civil Rights Protection Commitee”, “Indo-Chinese Friendship Society” and the “Nava Yuva Sahitya sanasad’ were formed.

It was virtually impossible to build up a revolutionary mass movement through mass organisations formed by reactionary parties. Within mass organisations led by revisionist parties work can be undertaken to an extent because of the prevalence of revolutionary cadres within them. However the revisionist leadership was a major obstacle towards the demarcation of cadre from reactionary politics and integrating with the revolutionary movements, particularly of the peasants.

There is a dire need of forming a student Organisation. Work was initiated in  a number of trade unions ,teacher sassocciations,non –gazetted officers, and groups of labouring intellectuals. The secret party faction splayed a major role in nurturing cadre and sowing seeds to knot mass organisations.

In Indian situation, during the period of New Democratic Revolution if we see in the strategic viewpoint the work in rural area, illegal, secret, armed struggle and activities in the forest and hill areas are principal aspects. But from tactical point of view, which is in the beginning of the revolution, it is natural that work in the urban area, legal open mass movements and activities, in the pain areas are to be a principal one. While considering the inter-relationship between total situation and partial one we are to, ofcourse, take into the consideration the inter-relationship between the continuously eroding condition of the enemy classes and our developing strength.


A report was made on the Terai peasant Movement by Kanu Sanyal.It covered the errors in practice of mass line in agrarian revolutionary movement. It was self-critical of failure in establishing the revolutionary political power, and in implementing the revolutionary land reforms. It summed up how sufficient attention was not given to formation of central and zonal revolutionary peasant commitees and distribution of land. In it’s view had they properly undertaken the twin tasks and carried on political explanation campaign among the masses on their significance ,the masses would have for long remembered the gains which they themselves won in that struggle. It also noted how the rich peasants obstructed the task of land re-distribution by diverting the emphasis from the confiscation of land, to make raids on Jotedar’s houses,and thus deprived the work of it’s importance.

The report also reflected how comrades over-evaluated existence of base area and failed to isolate the rich peasantry who could desert the enemy. It felt there was lack of study in adequate depth of political and military theories of Chairman Mao. It now learnt that the armed groups formed after arousing the people in the villages and arming them will become the village defence groups. It understood the importance through the struggle of building liberated zones to carry activities of guerrilla forces. To build people’s armed forces centrally organised groups of guerrillas must be formed.

The report described how the heroic peasants of Terai smashed feudalism after a call was given to 1.establish the authority of the peasant commitees in all matters of the village.2.Get organised and be armed in order to crush the resistance of Jotedars and rural reactionaries 3.Smash the Jotedars monopoly of ownership of land and redistribute the land anew through the peasant commitees.10 major actions enforced were.

  1. Dealing a blow on the social structure by marking out land with their ploughwares and making it their own. They declared that all land which was not owned and tilled by the peasants themselves was to be re-distributed by the peasant commitees.
  2. Legal deeds and documents were burnt which wee used to cheat peasants.
  3. Peasants declared all agreements which were unequal or discriminating against them as void or null.
  4. Hoarded rice was confiscated by peasants which was used as an instrument for perpetrating feudal exploitation.

5.All Jotedars who conspired against the peasant struggle were subjected to open trial and sentenced to death.

  1. Wicked or ruffian elements who were used as tools to preserve the political, economic and social authority of the jotedars were placed under open trial.
  2. To combat the armed opression of the landlord’s peasant armed themselves with traditional weapons like bows, arrows and spears or even guns forcibly snatched away.
  3. Night watch preparations were made to enable proper administration to be enforced. Severe punishment would be awarded to cases of theft and dacoity.
  4. In every area regional and central revolutionary commitees were built to establish peasant’s political power.
  5. Existing bourgeois laws were declared void and only only the decisions of the regional and central revolutionary commitees were abided with.

In the view of the report these ten great tasks taught the peasantry that the struggle for peasants is not merely a struggle for land. A new political power has to be established by arousing and arming the peasants by organising guerrilla groups, by creating liberated areas, by building a regular armed force and by protecting and expanding this force. It is never possible to overthrow the rule of comprador-bureaucrat bourgeoise and the landlords. who have come to terms with imperialism, without arming the peasants in the anti-feudal armed struggle, without leading their struggle courageously, without building their guerrilla and regular armed forces.


A report on the Kondamodalu peasant movement the question of formation of guerrilla armed squad was reviewed and analyzed with deep precision. It was decided that when the people’s movement was on an upswing people must stage resistance to defend themselves from conspirational attacks and atrocities of landlord forces. After the arrest of important leaders like Ramalingachari trend of ‘annihilation of the class enemy’ emerged. This review most dilaectically elaborated the various obstacles and achievements like Problem of moneylenders, Problem of Farm servants, Volunteer squads ,Programme on land question, formation of geurrilla squad and Transplantation programme to extend movement to the new areas. In the part on transplantation it analyzed the problems that they were confronted like trying to establish all powers to people’s Commmitees,People’s preparedness for resistance in harvesting, attempts by landlords to divided tribals on caste lines and intensification pf police repression.


A document of great relevance to the agrarian revolution in light of 50 years of naxalbari.A must read for cadres which laid the guidelines for agrarian revolutionary movement.
Basic points of the general programme.

1. Formation of new democratic state. Smashing the comprador and big bourgeoise.
2. Abolishing feudalism distributing all land to poor peasants and agricultural labour .
3. Confiscating all foreign capital of the comprador and bureaucrat bourgeoisie.
4. Increase of wages and reduction of working hours for the working class with other facilities.
5. Middle class people should be given to guarantee of employment.
6. Mercenary army should be abolished and a revolutionary people’s army should be built in it’s place.
7. United front should be formed against world imperialism.
8. All nationalities of the country must have right to self -determination.

“The land issue could be solved only by the distribution of the lands to the poor and landless pleasantry and the agricultural labour. While carrying on the propaganda, for the occupation of the lands of the peasantry in the next year.

We should for the present concentrate only on the big landlords, the main enemies of the people. For the present we should keep the big landlords in view. that we should keep in view. When we should occupy the lands under self-cultivation. Keeping the question of whether all the lands under self-t cultivation should be distributed or not, pen for discussion, it is essential to distribute the land to the extent available.

When there is no preparedness among the poor peasantry and the agricultural labour, the distribution of lands under the self -cultivation would only be a self -propaganda slogan. Among the lands under the self -cultivation ,pastures of landlords, the lands that the landlords had grabbed from the peasantry and the agricultural labour illegally or with nominal compensation ot towards debts can be restored to the peoples belonging to the respective families in case if they still remain to be poor peasants or agricultural labour.But,owing to this there should not arise a situation where some would get the land and some would not. We should, in such a situation see that others would also get a portion of such land. Thus it should be possible for poor peasants and agricultural labour to get lands equally(inclusive of land they already have in their posession)

At present we are only concentrating on the big landlords. The question of ceiling would arise at the time of distributing the landlords land. We should recognize the land needed by the middle peasant who cultivates the land himself as the maximum ceiling limi.tAs the agrarian revolution advances; it would as well as become necessary to distribute a portion of land from the small landlords also. Depending on the needs of the agrarian revolution we should decide where and how the distribution should be carried out. We should trace put the endowment lands under the occupation of big landlords and make preparations for their distribution among the poor peasants and agricultural labour.

The common people are not in a position to make use of common banjar land as well as forest lands since a major part of these lands is under the occupation of the landlords The cultivable lands from among them should be distributed among poor peasants and agricultural labour The rest of the lands should be taken over by the people.

The poor peasants and agricultural labour would need cattle and the implements for the cultivation of the lands thus redistributed. At the time of land distribution itself, the cattle and implements of the landlords should also be distributed. At the time of land distribution, itself the cattle and implements of the landlords should also be distributed among such of those that are in need of them.
Money-lending should also be abolished in every form it exists.

“But it is only the big landlords,moneylenders,and the rich peasants who carry on exploitation in this way, that we should concentrate. The common people would loose the credit facilities if we were also to concentrate on petty individual money lenders. It would be necessary to promote credit facilities to a certain limited extent until such a time the liberated base areas are established and the credit facilities are arranged for the people.”

“Besides, thus the forced labour,tips,the peasants tilling the land with their own cattle and such other feudal exploitation should be abolished in whatever form they exist. We should mobilise the people without leaving any other problem because of which the rural people are facing difficulties owing to the domination of the landlords. The conditions of people in some villages would be better than other villages owing to the work of the party over a number of years. But it would be wrong however not to mobilize the people into struggles on the presumption that the condition s of the people in all the villages are also better. The problem of toddy tappers is serious in the Telengana region The degree of exploitation of government contractors is very high. Against this exploitation, we should organize and lead them into struggles on the slogan of ‘trees to the tappers.’We should carry on the propaganda among them that their problems would be solved only with the establishment of new democratic government and for that the path of armed struggle should be taken up.”

Similarly, the agricultural labour and the poor and middle peasants in all the regions are suffering for want of house sites. We should adress this problem which would be applicable to all sites of Andhra Pradesh.”

The later part of the chapter dealt with Forest Areas, Plains Areas, Wet Lands, Political propaganda,Boycotting Panchayat Elections-Establish Village Soviets, forming of volunteer squads forming of local squads, Mass Organizations, Intensifying the mass activities, extending to new areas, Work in cities, Support the Srikakulam Armed Struggle, Consolidate the Organisation of the Revolutionaries .

Of great importance was how Volunteer squads should be built in forests where the people had already been mobilised into struggles. The squads should assist the village Soviets and people committees in the implementation of the decisions. In case of attacks from the armed police and military, these squads assist the people in all so many ways. The volunteer squads should be organized not only in the villages where the Village Soviets exist but also in the villages where the peoples committees exist. Only when there is a volunteer squad, could the activities of peoples committees be carried on effectively. The decisions could be implemented. The confidence of the Commitees could be created among the people. Each of the squad should have a commander and an assistant commander and be politically conscious and disciplined.

Mass activities were to be intensified to create ground for offensive actions against the landlord class. At the higher stage of these mass activities the agrarian revolutionary programme should be implemented. For this we should get politically and organisationally prepared.

Political propaganda should be created that people could seize political power only through path of people’s war. It should be propagated that the people are waging struggles for liberation, that the liberation could be achieved only through armed struggle, and that the political power should be seized by people in their own hands.

The report highlighted the work in cities which it felt was neglected Work in the cities was a major component of path of people’s war The help of transport as well as the workers of various other branches of industry would be needed for transportation of material and other technical assistance.

Forest areas are crucial in accordance with path of people’s war. Here in regions not only is the enemy weak, but also these areas are favourable for the people’s guerrilla squads to carry on resistance against the armed forces of the enemy for a long period of time and to establish guerrilla base areas. The landlords, moneylenders, and the forest officials, are exploiting the ordinary people and the Girijans,inhabiting the forest and mountaineous region sin ever so many ways. In all these areas, especially in the forest areas of Warangal.Khammam and Karimnagar the land with irrigation facilities as well as a major portion of the fertile  cultivable is in the hands of the landlords. For the purpose of grazing usually hundreds and thousands of cattle belonging to these landlords are let off in the forest itself.

In Plains areas exploitation and atrocities of landlords continues to be a serious problem in the dry land. Despite the fact that in terms of armed resistance this area is less favourable than the forest and mountainous regions, it would be wrong to conclude that the area would not be useful for resistance. Though it would take time for an incessant resistance to take off these areas, these areas are highly important since they include areas adjacent to forest areas and the Telengana area where the armed struggle was carried out in the past.

In Wet lands no possibilities for immediate guerrilla resistance exist. Yet these areas should be utilised to to raise funds in support of other areas of resistance. Ceaseless class struggle should be undertaken and areas should be liberated gradually. Here we should concentrate mainly on struggles of agricultural labour and tenant farmers.

Boycotting Panchayat elections should be the slogan in all the villages of the forest area .People have to be made to realise how the panchayat sytem and the election system is a weapon for the ruling calluses to protect their power. We should make it clear to the people that it is not merly boycotting the elections; that there is the path of people’s war for them to follow, that it means establishing the village Soviets and the people’s committees, that sunder their leadership that we should implement the agrarian revolutionary programme and tat thee are foundations for a new democratic revolutionary state.


Similar to the armed struggles of Telengana and Naxalbari it classically followed the Chinese path of protracted peoples was formulated by Chairman Mao. It imbibed the spirit of the martyrdom of Comrade Che Guvera and the Great proletarian Cultural Revolution which strived to create the new Socialist man. The resistance offered was reminiscent to that of the People of Vietnam in a similar period.

The armed struggle had its genesis in the murder of two tribal activists on October 31st in 1967 Koraana and Maganna and in the formation of the Girijan Sangham in 1959 which led a series of agitations. Organized by communist school teachers Vempatapu Satyanarayana and Adibhatala Kailasam the Girijan Sangham launched struggles for the distribution of cultivable banjar lands, abolition of debt-peonage, fair prices for minor forest produce collected by the tribes, lifting of the prohibition on the use of forest timber by girijans, and agency autonomy under local tribal governance. After 1964 with the split of CPI, the Sangh supported the CPM. However Naxalbari was the focal point when the mass movement took a new shape and the landlords demanded further police protection and deployment. Clashes took place subsequently and section 144 was declared of the Criminal procedure code was unlawfully declared. It was in this background that in Levdi on October 31st 1967 two peasants were shot down. In September 1968 the court acquitted those responsible for the murder of the 2 activists. In October 1968 after consulting Charu Mazumdar the Ryotana Sangrama Samiti was formed as a body to seize political power in the villages. The crux of the rise in tempo of the tribals was their heightened understanding of the nature of their opression and the zeal to build a new alternative. It was a combination of the opressive conditions with the elevated political consciousness. With Charu Mazumdar’s consent in October 1968, a decision was adopted by the AICCR to adopt the armed struggle and set up the Ryotanaga Sangrama Samiti as a body to facilitate the seizure of political power. On November 25th the spark was lit with the raiding of the residence of notorious landlord-cum moneylender Teegala Narasimhulu, seizing possession of hoarded paddy and food grains and seizing promissory notes and other legal records related to the debts of peasants had incurred over the years. The anti-landlord vigour was completely revealed here.

The preparation period had great significance from 1959-1967.The mass organization, the Girijan Sangham created the fulcrum for building a broad based peasant movement.

10 demands formed the pivot of the struggles
1. All lands seized illegally from the girijans from non -girijans should be returned.
2. Distribute banjar lands to non -girijans immediately.
3. All debts obtained by illegal methods should be abolished. Credit facilities should be provided sufficiently.
4. Agricultural implements and cattle should be supplied to Girijans to carry on agricultural operations.
5. Forest produce should be purchased from girijan s at reasonable rates. Consumer good should be suppplied to them at fair prices.
6. Those who extract labour from girijans should be severely punished.
7. Salaries to Palerla(farm servants) and wage rates for agricultural workers should be fixed in consonance with the cost of living.
8. There should be no restriction on the use of forest timber by Girijan s for their house construction and daily needs.
9. In the new atmosphere that will be created when the above programme is implemented, educational and cultuarl programmes should be organized on a large scale.
10. Girijan areas should be declared as autonomous regions and its adminstartion should be handed over to the representatives of girijans.

The exploitation of the girijans was in the following forms.

  1. Money Lending-To clear the debts ,Girijan shad to sell the grain, other crops and forest produce at lower rates to those money lenders.
    2. Occupation of Girijan lands .Those who could not clear debts had to mortgage and sell away their lands to money lenders.
    3. Exploiting the agricultural labourers .In lands thus lost to landlords Girijan shad to work as palerlu and daily labour for nominal wages.
    4. Purchase of forest produce .Girijan Corporation officers ,sahukars,money lenders were purchasing forest produce from Girijans at nominal rates and selling them outside for huge profits.
    5. Exploitation of forest officers. The forest officers wee obstructing the girijans from cultuvating podu in forests and from collecting forest produce. Then they were demanding bribes ,mamuls and forced labour.(Vetti)

The following were the gains of the girijans
1. From 1959 itself Girijans gradually re-occupied lands which were illegally seized by non -girijan sahukars.and landlords from them.Also they began to cultivate such lands.
2. 1500 acres of forest waste lands were occupied and cultivated by girijans.
3. They refused to clear debts to the tune of about Rs 2 lakhs .
4. They got free timber for their agricultural use.
5. Attained reasonable rates for forest produce at weekly markets.
6. Free labour has been completely abolished.
7. The nominal rates for palerlu and daily labour were increased. Daily wage rates increased upto 12 times.
8. Forest timber has been taken freely for house construction and daily needs.
9. The implementation of this programme brought a big mass upsurge. The cadre utilized this to raise the political consciousness of the Girijanst hrough cultural programmes, night schools and reading to them the party journals regularly.

We have to respect the critique of the mistakes prevailing in Srikakulam movement by comrades like Tarimela Nagi Reddy-D.V.Rao etc leading the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee. However one can never deny it was a mass movement till 1970. A major rift took place between the district committee of the All India coordination committee of Communist revolutionaries guided by Charu Mazumdar and the Andhra Pradesh Coordination Committee of Communist revolutionaries. These were the criticism of the APCCCR led by NagiReddy-DV Rao.

Here we have explained the developments that came about in the course of revolutionary movement of the Girijan areas of Srikakulam district. After this explanation ,it would be completely baseless and slanderous if anyone says that stae coordination committee was against the armed struggle or tried to weaken it. The State Commitee was never against armed struggle whether in the form of armed resistance or guerrilla struggle. Also in June 1968 itself, it gave the Srikakulam comitee a clear programme for armed resistance or regular guerrilla struggle. It began necessary preparation for guerrilla struggle.

The 6 differences that arose were
1. DC denies need for general armed resistance which is the starting stage of guerrilla struggle.
2. The DC feels there is no need for minimum training
3. Dc feels there is no need for mass participation.SC feels that guerrilla struggle must begin with mass participation.
4. Armed struggle could be implemented without any relations to issues like land in the agrarian revolution. State Committee feels there is inseparable relationship between agrarian revolution and armed struggle.
5. SC believes in United Front concept which DC rejects.
6. SC feels, there should be unity between DC and SC based on principle of democratic centralism: and the armed struggle could be carried on under centralised leadership. Path taken by DC is to create a rival centre and disunity among revolutionaries.


A report on the Kondamodalu peasant movement the question of formation of guerrilla armed squad was reviewed and analyzed with deep precision. It was decided that when the people’s movement was on an upswing people must stage resistance to defend themselves from conspirational attacks and atrocities of landlord forces. After the arrest of important leaders like Ramalingachari trend of ‘annihilation of the class enemy’ emerged. This review most dialectically elaborated the various obstacles and achievements like Problem of moneylenders, Problem of Farm servants, Volunteer squads, Programme on land question, formation of guerrilla squad and Transplantation programme to extend movement to the new areas. In the part on transplantation it analyzed the problems that they were confronted like trying to establish all powers to people’s Commmitees,People’s preparedness for resistance in harvesting, attempts by landlords to divided tribals on caste lines and intensification of police repression.


The writings of the APCCCR at the very ground level exposed the left adventurism vitiating the movement of the AICCCR and later C.P.I.(M.L) and the alternative practice of mass line through land distribution. In meticulous details it described the formation of volunteer squads supplementing or adjoining the agrarian revolutionary movement in contrast to actions of armed squads. I maybe subjective but unlike the view of the Maoists today. I do not feel that Comrades like T.Nagi Reddy or DV Rao practiced stages theory which separated economic struggle from the political one but the massline.Today’s Maoists feel that Nagi Reddy line was economism.In ‘Left trend among Revolutionaries’ most dialectically a criticism has been launched and an alternative path allocated .

No doubt the writings published in a subtle manner verify the contribution of Charu Mazumdar to demarcating from Revisionism and sowing seeds of Naxalbari struggle.It also reflected even if he vitiated the Chinese path ,in important respects his writings had striking similarities.

The comrades learnt that Armed Struggle was not for land, but for state power.

The 1969 issue of Liberation in an article by ‘Journalist’ made a scathing criticism of the ‘Politics of Nagi Reddy’ It alleged that Nagi Reddy line did not propagate the necessity of creating liberated base areas in the countryside by annihilating the class enemy. It felt Nagi Reddy was diverting the peasant masses from path of revolutionary armed struggle trapping peasants in path of economism and keeping silent on the great political role of the peasantry. It also stated that Nagi Reddy made no provisions to confront police attacks .It was also critical of Nagi Reddy criticism of C.P.I.(M.L.) on mass organizations, neglect of work in cities, workers and students etc.

In quick retort The Andhra Pradesh Revolutionary Communist Commitee replied how their programme and practice was far more akin to the path of Protracted peoples War advocated by Chairman Mao. With most dialectical confrontation it elaborated the importance of mass organizations work in Cities, importance of Land distribution, how Liberated areas are created, the anarchist content og ‘Annihilation of the Class Enemy and Main points of the General Programme with regard to role of the Middle class people. The main accent was on how it’s programme defended agrarian revolution and creation of several guerrilla zones in light of massline.

Defending practice in plain areas “Despite the fact that in terms of armed resistance this area is less favourable than the forest and mountaineous regions it would be wrong to conclude ,that this area would not be useful for resistance. Under the present conditions, a limited guerrilla resistance is possible even in these areas. Though it would take time for incessant resistance to take off in these areas ,these are highly important since they include areas adjacent to forest areas and the Telengana area where the armed struggle was carried out in the past.”

“Ofcourse,the plains are less suitable than the mountains, but it is by no means impossible to develop guerrilla warfare or establish base areas there.’

It explained it used the classification of wet areas to mean “In view of social conditions and geographical features, there are no possibilities for immediate development of guerrilla resistance areas. Yet the cadre, funds, and other help would have to be sent from these areas to areas of resistance. These areas would be liberated gradually with implementation of ceaseless struggle against exploitation.”

It refuted the politics propagated by ‘Liberation’ on supporting seperate Telengana Movement which it analyzed as led by the ruling classes. In the view of Nagi Reddy group it was not aimed at overthrowing the ruling classes but to create a new state within the jurisdiction of the present Indian Union.In it’s view it did not demarcate from the politics of the feudal,landlord and comprador bureaucratic capitalist clique.

It narrated how in Warangal,Khammam,Karimnagar,Nalgonda and East Godavri Revolutionary class struggle was taking place. The people, with no viable alternative, were liberating themselves from the exploiters by arming themselves and seizing back their land from landlords and bringing the forest land under their own cultivation.

With great conviction the APCCCR asserted that the C.P.I. (M.L.) was totally negating the role of people’s revolutionary movement and Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought .

Below are some important points compiled from the 1970 document of the Andhra Pradesh Co-oordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries(A.P.C.C.C.R.)

  1. The People’s revolutionary armed struggle is not itself the guerilla warfare.

: Even if armed struggle is the main form of struggle in the country. In the vast areas, where due to uneven development of the revolutionary movement, the revolutionary movement has not yet taken the form of armed struggle, other forms of struggle should be adopted and they should be co-ordinated with armed struggle. The armed struggle that the people carry on against the ruling classes is by itself an offensive struggle.Yet,when compared to the armed forces of the ruling classes ,the numbers, arms as well as skill of the people’s guerilla forces would not only be inferior but would continue to remain so for a long time. In this period we have to advance the revolution defending our guerilla areas and raise the slogan of self-defense for the revolutionaries. Without the slogan of self defence the broad masses would never be mobilized to overthrow the ruling classes.

  1. Armed Struggle: The main form of Struggle

The C.P.I.(M.L.) failed to launch a mass movement or understand it’s importance.

Wherever the peasant struggle has not reached the stage of armed struggle, the peasant struggle should be carried on there adopting the form of armed struggle.

Wherever the revolutionary peasant movement has reached the stage of armed struggle, the peasant struggle should be carrie3d on there adopting the form of armed struggle.

Appropriate form of mass struggles have to be combined with the armed struggles.

  1. Importance of slogan of defence.

The people’s armed struggle would begin with the defence of the revolutionary movement, the revolutionary gains, the revolutionary organization etc,from the attack s of the armed forces of the ruling classes. But in the primary stage, the strength and skill of the armed forces of the ruling classes would be many times greater than that of the armed forces organized by the people. The form of armed struggle adopted by the people at this stage is the guerilla warfare.As the people’s armed forces grow in number, and the strength of arms and skill at a certain stage become favourable to the revolutionary masses, armed struggle would reach a higher strategy. Then the armed struggle would take the form of mobile warfare and later the form of positional warfare.


  1. Co-ordination between struggle areas and other areas

    Our cadre is working in the areas of armed struggle as well as other areas. The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.)which is not adopting any other form of struggle excepting the armed struggle does not have an understanding of the tasks that should be carried in these areas. In these areas, our cadre should carry on extensive propoganada among the masses of people of our programme, the betrayal of the revisionists and the necessity to prepare for armed struggle. Masses should be mobilized into struggles on political and economic demands wherever, whenever and on whatever issue there is preparedness among them Through these struggles, they should mobilize the masses to take up the form of armed struggle.

    Today our cities are the centres of Imperialism, big bourgeoisie and rich classes. It is in these cities that the government machinery as well as the armed forces of the ruling classes are concentrated
    However the working class, students and middle class are concentrated in the cities. These classes would march in the fore-front of anti-imperialist struggles.

The leadership of the C.P.I (M.L) has no programme whatsoever for fulfilling this task. They direct students and youth to go to the villages and integrate themselves with the peasantry. This leadership have performed anarchist actions like throwing bomb son schools colleges and primary health c entres etc.Such actions would not be useful to mobilize the discontented masses into the revolutionary mass struggle. They would not be a support to the rural peasant struggle

Militatnt workers and students should be sent to the areas of armed struggle.

Although there is a revolutionary situation in India,the guerrilla warfare takes a tortuous path of development owing to the uneven development of the revolutionary movement,the disunity among the revolutionary ranks and the ability of the ruling classes to concentrate large numbers of their armed forces against the gueriilla warfare. Only when we have a correct and realistic assessment, would we be in a position tp prepare ourselves and overcome these difficulties.

If we have to fulfil the main tasks which should be fulfilled in order to successfully carry on armed struggle for achieving the people’s democratic Revolution, we should base ourselves on this kind of base areas. Base areas cannot be established by conducting sporadic raids here and there. Mao called this tendency”roving rebels.”Mao said the guerrilla forces would begin to build the base areas only when a struggle is carried on against this tendency and is rooted out from among the guerilla forces.

In the beginning, these armed forces would only be in the form of guerilla squads As the struggle gets intensified ,the guerilla squads grow increasing in the number. We should gradually build the regular army. Thus we would be in a position to establish base area only when we could build the armed force s capable of defeating the army in the area. This task cannot be fulfilled by forming a few squads with a few people drawn from the petty-bourgeoisie,the poor and landless peasant classes.

The second condition is that the peoples armed forces, should with the support of the masses, be capable of defeating the enemy.

This means defeating the enemy’s armed forces but not annihilation of class enemies This would become possible only when the majority of the enemy’s armed forces attacki ng the guerilla forces are annihilated.

The third condition is the rousing of masses into the struggle. The mass organizations should be built in the course of the struggle. In our country, where a regular army is not present ,the revolutionaries should build the base areas by building the guerilla armies through peoples struggles, in that mainly the peasant struggles by building the revolutionary mass organizations ,by rousing the masses through revolutionary programme and by defeating the enemy’s armed forces.

5. The Importance of terrain:

The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.) concluded that there was no need for a favourable terrain, mass movement, mass organization .etc. Our task would not be over merely with launching the guerrilla warfare. It should be able to sustain and develop over a long period of time and be useful to build the base area which is our strategic aim. We have to select the areas which are politically, economically and socially weak. Hills forests and plains without roads arte such areas.

  1. Need of the mass Movement:

    There is hardly any emphasis on the mass movement The a annihilation of class enemies is the only aim..Masses shave to be mobilized into revolutionary struggles to make them realize the need for armed struggles. The revolutionary Girijan movement was already prevalent in Srikakulam before the armed struggle was launched.

    7. Agrarian revolutionary progamme:Without building of agrarian revolutionary programme a revolutionary peasant movement is not possible. The feudal system will be abolished only after the establishment of the peoples democratic government.Distribtion of landlords land is the main iem of the agrarian revolutionary programme. Thus the question of land as a revolutionary demand would have immense importance in the agrarian revolution. Only by implementing the agrarian revolutionary programme would we be able to mobilize peasant masses into armed struggle.

  2. Party organization; revolutionary mass movement :

    The C.P.I.(M.L.) makes no use of legal opportunities. A party has to be kept secret but open struggles have to be carried out. Class enemies should be tried in people’s courts with a revolutionary mass movement and not simply annihilated by armed squads. There is a defect in the technique where they remain as mere groups carrying out limited propaganda.

    9. The Revolutionary peasant movement is the foundation for the revolutionary mass movements: The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.)do not believe in revolutionary mass movements or mobilizing the masses on partial economic demands. Only when the revolutionary movement reaches the higher stage, it would take the form of armed struggle.

    10. Extension of the Revolutionary Movement.

    The leadership of the C.P.I (M.L.) does not recognize the necessity of revolutionary movement as well as the necessity of extending it to new areas of launching armed struggle. On the contrary, they think that the extension of the programme of annihilation of the class enemy itself is the extension of the armed struggle.

    The peasant movement should not be confined to any one area. Our organizational strength would also grow while building the revolutionary movement in an area

    If the peasant movement is expanded and the armed struggle is launched in the vast areas ,the guerillas could in the face of the enemy’s attacks escape from one area to another and resist the enemy armed forces.

    Once an armed struggle is launched, it should never be confined to any single area. It should be continuously extended to new and adjacent areas.

    11India is divided into several nationalities.

    However we do not support the C.P.I.(M.L.)’s demand of a separate Telengana state., which matches the separate Telengana movement with the Telengana peasant armed struggle.

    They are hiding the fact that peasants and workers of Telengana have not participated in the revolt.

    True, the people in some towns fought heroically facing even the bullets from the police.

    The peasants and workers have not participated in the separate Telengana movement. They remained neutral. Without the overthrow of the ruling class the “Peoples Raj’ in Telengana is inconceivable.

  3. The Revolutionary Authority of the party is established only when correct leadership is provided to the revolution. The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.) has failed in leading They are still trying to establish their ‘revolutionary authority.” The Naxalbari armed struggle. They have also failed in Srikakulam.

13…Rejecting the role of th negated the historic role of the Telengana armed struggle.e Telengana armed Struggle-The C.P.I. (M.L) led by Charu Mazumdar .
In1946 a red Letter was written in the history of the Indian Communist Movement. This event was the Telengana Armed Struggle led by the Andhra Pradesh Unit of the Communist Party of India. Thousands of acres of land were redistributed. Mass revolutionary line was practiced. The relationship between the agrarian revolutionary Movement and the armed struggle and formation of the peoples army was established and the issue of armed revolution and the principle of forming a people’s army based in the agrarian mass revolutionary programme and movement. was formulated.

Charu’s C.P.I.(M.L.)stated:Naxlabari represents the first ever application of Mao’s thought on the soil of India. It was in Naxalbari that the peasants for the first time ,launched their struggle for power. For this reason,Naxalbari symbolizes the path of liberation for exploited masses of the Indian people Thus ushering in a new era in the political history of India.”

The Naxalbari leadership could have avoided the mistakes they made had they correctly grasped the experiences of the Telengana armed struggle. They could have redoubled he organised strength of the Naxalbari peasants with the distribution of land, establishment of the village Soviets and building of peoples armed forces and be in position to carry on the protracted war. Instead they deny that the Telengana armed struggle relied on Mao’s thought.Inspite of their loud talk on relying on the masses, they are not in actual fact prepared to undertake the revolutionary mass mobilization. They formulate that the Naxalbari struggle is not a struggle for land but for political power.”

The struggle suffered political defeat, not because of class enemies and the state, but at the hands of the revisionist policies of the general staff of the C.P.I.

The C.P.I. leadership withdrew the Struggle and veered it towards the parliamentary path. The foundation for the Struggle was the meticulous mass work carried out between the years 1941-1946, similar to the launching of the Chinese peasant armed revolutionary struggle.

In 1948 a historic letter was written in Andhra on 9th July called the Andhra thesis., which highlighted that the Indian revolution would follow the Chinese path of ,of protracted peoples armed struggle with the peasants being the main force. The Indian economy was characterized as semi-colonial and semi-feudal., the peasant question as the core of Indian revolution, and the stage of revolution as ‘New Democratic’.

When the document was written the Telengana Struggle was at it’s peak. The concept of the united front with the middle and rich peasants was advocated. Resistance bases of the Chinese Type were to be formed The guerilla Warfare was deployed to defend the land and the village Soviets. Land was distributed in 3000 villages and the guerilla squads launched significant armed struggle against the Nizam’s army and the Razakars.The police sided with the Razakars and in retaliation the guerilla squads began to attack the police. The police used to attack in the day, while the people would retaliate at night.


One of the most insightful writings making demarcation of left adventurist line was by Comrade Gundahar Murmu on the experience of the Debra movement where land distribution was undertaken Below are important characteristics of the Debra report published in Lala Tara.

Positive features were

  1. Re-occupation of land started on huge scale with large scale confiscation of benami land, khas land and land possessed by absentee landlords with mass mobilization of peasants being a firm feature.
  2. Big black marketeers were hit in their very backyard with around ten thousand peasants mobilized to confront the check posts set up to thwart their resistance. Peasant samitis gave a slogan for stopping black marketing of rice. News of such demonstrations spread like wildfire.
  3. With this movement for higher wages started with peasants armed with arrows and spears and on the other hand jotedars with guns.
  4. Unity was established between the tribals and the poor peasant, ,middle peasants and rich peasants neutralized.
  5. Authorities imposed section 144 but still peasants morale was not subdued .
  6. The struggle expanded because the leadership had adopted a broad outlook in leading the struggle. A concrete example was how leaders returned guns to the Jotedars even after the peasants had snatched 20 gun sin struggle. This was because stage of creating armed squads had not been reached in Debra


Reasons for setback. Were:

  1. Propogated that armed struggle is the only path and the connection between seizure of power and land were not explained.-“Political power only grows out of the barrel of the gun.”
  2. Mass struggle and mass organization was totally ignored in spite of border regional leadership formulating it.
  3. Individaul annihilation was termed as the only path of struggle. Cadres from Debra practicing mass movement were lured into it., with their weak ideological understanding.
  4. Adverse influence of Red Guard propaganda movement which when marching in making their open activities harmful to the enemy.
  5. No discussion on the building of base areas .Initially cadres felt they should build them in plains. They failed to understand that without expansion of area base areas could not be established. Geographical and natural advantages were ignored.
  6. An atmosphere of conspiracy in Border Commitee, contradiction between intellectuals and peasants and sectarianism was built by the distortions of naxalbari and organizational line practiced..Antagonistic contradictions were created in various areas of the border committee.


There was a historic exchange between Premier Zhou En Lai and Souren Bose on October 29th 1970.At the very backbone Premier Zhou exposed the glaring chink sin the armoury  of the C.P.I.(M.L.)

Zhou stressed on secret party work in the cities and open work only in the countryside.”We refused to undertake painstaking work amongst the workers in factories and students in schools An ideal example was given of how the CPC mistakenly held a May Day programme in the cities. An event was recounted when Students on May Day openly distributed leaflets and held banners which instigated a counter-attack from the Kuomintang.Although at first people thronged, very fast the spark extinguished and people were dissuaded. Examples were also given of errors committed in putschist retaliatory actions in cities, replacing path of peoples war.Zhou explained how at first it drew the masses but it invited counter-revolutionary attacks. Examples were also given of errors committed in putschist retaliatory actions in cities, replacing path of peoples war. Premier Zhou felt that the agrarian revolution in India should be undertaken with much more meticuluos study and patience and not just through spontaneity and romanticism.

“In the country, after the defeat of the first great revolution, there were such situations. There are 2 phenomena -one is successful armed struggle. In those years we mobilised masses of the people to go deep among the masses of the people in the country side, among the farm labourers and poor peasants and rise them in struggle for food grains. higher wages etc.and for guerrilla warfare. Are per the teachings of Chairman Mao we must stress on mobilizing the broadest masses of the people .When needed we may kill a few local bullies and tyrants who incurred bitter hatred of the masses. However when we kill them it must be done after facing a trial before the masses and based on their demand. When the masses are fully mobilised and we also deploy the armed forces to defend the fruits of the struggle and distribute land and food grains, under such conditions peasant masses dare to distribute land and foodgrains among themselves. The extension of armed forces and guerilla units,then grow from weak to strong. A network of struggles are now knit. In the manner of a spark ignited to create a prairie fire a base area is built. In these base areas, we relied upon armed forces, to defend political power and defend fruits of agrarian revolution. Armed struggle must be integrated with the masses of the people and agrarian programmes must be continuously sharpened. Party members must only be recruited from advanced members of the peasantry. This was the trumpcard which secured our base in Chingkanshan ,shimmering the spark of revolutionary power.

After the defeat of the first revolution, a leftist deviation of putchism developed. We relied upon a few persons to go with arms to the countryside and asassinate landlords. For a time no doubt the masses are aroused. However it invites the wrath of reactionary armed forces in the countryside and the cities who executed the handful of advanced comrades with weapons. Thus the putschist line had a negative consequence. Without mobilising or relying on the masses no strides can be made and the deciding factor is the correctness of the party’s political line.

It is one of the best examples of proletarian internationalist help. and proves that the C.P.C.did not play a big -brother role over communist parties of other countries.

Zhou recounted that Chairman Mao was the greatest Communist of the time but it is eclectic to overestimate him. We must remember that the Indian Communist party is fraternal party and not the same party.”This is not the same party; because each party has a different historical background,,environment,and different historical development. So to win revolution in a particular country, we must integrate Marxism-Leninism with the concrete conditions of that country.

Extensively Premier Zhou explained the three weapons of the part, army and United front. “It is only the armed forces under a party which carries out correct policies, that can win victory.The 1935 Tsunyi meeting was the turning point when Chairman Mao was elected after which the party expanded like an inextinguishable flame iluminating place after place. During the anti-Japanese War in Yenan a huge rectification campaign was carried out among the high ranking cadres of the party, being critical of the wrong line.”

“The third weapon is the revolutionary united front of various classes. A most crucial issue was our evaluation of the bourgeoisie within which we recognized a national bourgeoise and did not term the entire bourgeoise as comprador.In the Sixth national Congress in Moscow we analysed the nature of the Chinese Revolution to be bourgeois democratic. The mistake of left putschism was rectified. In earlier days instead of forging an alliance, we wrongly attacked the intermediate classes like small and middle enterprises or rich peasants, indiscriminately .”

“During the anti-Japanese War in order to combat foreign aggression, the united front was further expanded with an alliance with the KMT.Simultaneously there was a United Front of Workers and peasantry United Front between proletariat and other labouring people. The Worker-peasant alliance formed the fulcrum of the United Front. The working class itself is divided into let, middle and right. In one juncture in the Chinese Revolution we failed to work within the yellow trade Unions which caused a setback. By ignoring the trade Unions we isolated ourselves from the people and many of our comrades were sacrificed or arrested.

A healthy exchange took place on the issue of the Srikaulam movement.Premier Zhou asked Bose whether mass organization, existed in Srikakulam,conditions of the terrain with regard to presence of mountainous regions, nature and level of arms ,strength of people, etc.Strangely Comrade Bose answered that mass organizations existed bit not on the basis of armed forces. A Federation of peasants existed.Bose stated that worth Kanu Sanyal he trained guerilla units.Bose also told Zhou that they did not posess firearms but local weapons. He recounted how thy taught masses 16 character secret of guerilla warfare.

Zhou went on to ask whether the mass organization was open. existence of reactionary landlords, Percentage of mass organization in local population, rectification campaign,comrades continously shifting to other areas, whether only rich peasants existed, whether there were comrades to stand on guard in hilly regions etc.

After hearing reply Zhou replied that the Indian comrades in Srikakulam were not completely cut off from oustide and went on to ask about self-sufficiency.

Zhou En Lai acknowledged “Your party represents the hope of the Indian people. It is a revolutionary and brilliant party. We are very thankful to your party for supporting the Cultural Revolution and having the highest respect for Chairman Mao Tse Tung.You have clearly defined the nature of your revolution as fighting against imperialism,feudalism,revisionism and bureaucrat capitalism. Your party has persisted in mobilising the masses for peasant armed struggle.Ofcourse as your party is in the stage of infancy ,it is unavoidable to make some mistakes. We are in strong opposition to 2 articles.”Chinese Chairman is our path, Chinese path is our path.” and “March forward through summing up the experiences of the peasant revolutionary struggle of India.”In the first article you underestimate the role of the middle peasants ,rich peasants. small industrialists ,intellectuals and other intermediary classes .Erroneously you state that they could be united with only after seizure of political power. In our view the United Front with them can be built will before the capture of power. In the second article you reject the need of forming mass organizations and leading open mass movements and feel that they are an obstacle to guerilla warfare. You also refer to ‘Annihilation of class Enemies’, which rejects mass line. It incorporates actions of secret squads.You also advocate that guerilla units should be kept secret from the local people who have not mastered the methods of legal work. Such a policy is an obstruction for revolution as it divorces itself from the masses and the party organization.”

It contains the suggestions of C.P.C.leader Chou En Lai.

There is even a line where Zhou is critical of T.Nagi Reddy being thrown out referring to how Charu Mazumdar rejected the middle peasants into the united front.

On October 29th,1970 premier Zhou gave his views on the C.P.I.(M.L.) of Charu Mazumdar to Com.Bose.

This is an invaluable work on mass line re-printed by Red Flag publications.

Notable, is the premier’s view of Lin Biao’s military theory and how it is alienated from political line..I recommend all readers to obtain this leaflet.

1. The Chinese party grew and developed by fighting alien trends-both left adventurism and right deviation.

2. The Chinese Revolution became successful with 3 magic weapons A.the Party B..People’s army C.the United Front.

3. To call a chairman of one party as the chairman of another party is wrong,and,it will would the national sentiment of the working class of a country.

4. Your idea of united front is wrong stating that it will come into being only after the formation of base areas., The United front comes into being at every stage of struggle, again again it breaks down.

The worker-peasant unity is it’s main basis. The characterisation of the entire bourgeoisie as comprador is wrong. Some exploiter sections have to be united.

5. It is wrong to reject open trade Union, open mass organizations and mass movements and to solely uphold secret assasination.Formally we misunderstood what you meant as ‘anihilation.’We used to think that the idea is taken from Chairman’s war of annihilation’.But from 1970 issue of liberation we came to understand that this assasination meant secret assassination.

6. You have wrongly and mechanically applied Chairman Lin Biao’s theory of peoples war. It was only a military affair having no relation to political and organizational questions. During the anti-Japan war resistance we had an army of 10 lakhs, at that time some army comrades raised the slogan that positional and mobile warfare were the only means to mobilise people.

7. The formulation that a revolutionary does not make his hand red with the blood of class enemies then he is not a communist.

With this yard stick a Communist party would not remain a communist party.

8. No emphasis on agrarian revolution and slogan in connection with seizure of State power. No agrarian programme and state power is counter-posed to land problem.

9. Without mass struggle and mass organization the peasant’s armed struggle cannot be sustained. The CPC supported Naxalbari struggle not merely as a struggle of seizure of state power.

Red article in ‘Spring Thunder’ published in China to support Naxalbari.

10. The authority and prestige of a leader cannot be created but has to be developed.

11. The general orientation of C.P.I.(M.L.) is correct but it’s policy is wrong.

Harsh Thakor is a political commentator

[email protected]




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