Comparing war of independence with people’s resistance today
Note: This is a companion article to the author’s ‘Historical Perspective on the Resistance of Gen Z in Kenya’ published in countercurrents.org on 14-07-2024 . Available at https://countercurrents.org/2024/07/historical-perspective-on-the-resistance-of-gen-z-in-kenya/
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While there may be many similarities between events from history and current ones, the two are never the same. Conditions differ, people’s perception, vision and ideological understanding are also different. The relative power positions of the two contending classes may also differ. But it is important to see similar trends that are present in both the periods. It is these trends that are likely to guide future resistance. It is thus important to see the trends and compare the situation in Kenya at independence and the current situation.
One needs to see, particularly, the trends in both the above situations with regard to some essential requirements for the success, or otherwise, of resistance. These are set out by Barnett and Njama (1966, pp. 35-36)[1] thus:
Just as any revolution requires a certain minimum amount of organization, a people in revolt requires an ideology[2]. Without ideas and ideals, few people are willing to risk their lives in revolutionary action.
They go on to explain further:
In Kenya, it is unlikely that the revolution would have occurred but for the integrative ideology developed over a period of thirty-odd years by numerous political, religious and trade union associations which which articulated and brought in focus various African grievances and set forward certain political, economic and social objectives. (35-36).
Besides ideology and organisation, another important requirement for success is the resistance by a united force of working people. The three pillars of resistance to British colonialism — Mau Mau, trade unions and people’s resistance — are well captured in the three titles in the Kenya Resists series by Vita Books.
The three pillars of resistance to British colonialism in Kenya[3]
It is the resistance of people that is necessary if people are to achieve power. However, people-power, on its own, will also not suffice: ideology and organisation are equally important. So, a brief look at these aspects during the war of independence helps to set current evens in their proper perspective.
Kenya’s War of Independence
The ‘integrative ideology’, as Barnett and Njama put it in 1966, took thirty years in the making. Today, it needs to be seen as further developments of yet another 60 years which further developed the ideology, organisation and class consciousness among the people. It is instructive to examine some examples of the political, trade union and cultural resistance that contributed to the success of Kenya’s War of Independence and subsequently. Some slides from Durrani (2019)[4] list organisations that made success possible:
First, political organisations:
Underground Organisations
The Whole Nation Resists
Thus, in essence, Kenya’s War of Independence was a movement built on three pillars of resistance to colonialism and imperialism. These can be seen as Mau Mau, the trade union movement and the people’s forces. It is necessary to see the unity of the above three forces in order to understand the process of resistance that finally forced colonialism from Kenya. A similar unity is necessary in the struggle against imperialism and the comprador regime today. These three pillars are documented in the three books by Durrani (2018)[5].
The resistance before and after independence can be seen overall as people’s resistance. This was at several levels, as documented in Durrani (2018)[6]. At one level it was resistance by various Kenyan nationalities. The following are included in Durrani (2018):
The Somali nationality
The Kamba nationality
The Maasai nationality
South Asian nationalities
At another level, resistance was by class, as documented by Durrani (2018):
Worker resistance
Peasant resistance
Student resistance
Resistance by women is also relevant, and Durrani (2018b)[7] includes resistance by women. Thus, the ‘whole nation began to resist’. Mwakenya (1987)[8] summarises the role of students and the young generation in resistance:
After Indolence
After the banning of K.P.U., democratic opposition was led by University and Secondary school students. Nairobi and Kenyatta University students unions played a major role in fighting for democracy and human rights, and opposing neo-colonialism and foreign military bases in Kenya. They demonstrated in the streets, wrote leaflets, spoke in public and student gatherings, and in so many ways helped expose the reactionary character of the KANU regime.
In an echo of the situation in Kenya today, Mwakenya noted:
The significance of all these student activities is not only in its own time period. They represented a new generation which refused to accept a corrupt, man-eat-man society. The future of Kenya in reality lay in their hands. And they indicated their rejection of the regime’s policies.
Mwakenya (1987) documents the resistance of the whole nation:
Workers, peasants, students … all had their own forms of struggle against the unpopular elite government. But as Mwakenya (1987) points out in the Register of Resistance, 1987, the lower petty bourgeois had also joined the ranks of those resisting and struggling against the government. The significant point about this was the vast numbers involved in this protest. For example, when teachers protested against the government’s sudden policy of reducing their housing allowance in September 1988, almost 160,000 members of the Kenya National Union of Teachers planned to go on strike. So serious was this action that the government was forced to withdraw its planned reduction of housing allowance. Similarly over 80,000 drivers, manambas, matatu owners and other transport workers brought national transport to stand-still when they boycotted work in March 1988. It forced the Government to withdraw the new policies affecting the industry.
It is the people’s resistance that is the engine of resistance and restoration of justice and equality in Kenya. Resistance brought together several aspects of people’s resistance to colonialism, including resistance by nationalities, women, students, peasants and workers in what can only be described as people’s resistance. While Mau Mau and trade unions were essential in the liberation struggle, on their own they would have faced innumerable difficulties to achieve their goal. Peasants, nationalities, women, children and young people, students, independent churches, independent schools, all played a part in reinforcing the organized and ideology-led resistance of Mau Mau and trade unions.
The following incident (Durrani, 2018, 61) captures the spirit of resistance during the Moi government whose policies are taken up by the Ruto government, highlighting the warning by Mwakenya, ‘beware Moism without Moi’:
The spirit of resistance was captured by a Kisumu woman who was being evicted by the Kisumu Municipal Council from her home where she had lived for over 15 years. In October 1988, Council askaris went to evict her. But the brave woman was ready for them. She first threw boiling water on them and then fought them off with a panga (machete), injuring them. The people had begun to say ‘no’ to exploitation and oppression.
That was then.
Steps to the 2024 Resistance
Resistance today against the Ruto government is the most intense national movement seen in the history of Kenya since independence. It needs to be remembered that the ruling comprador class has now consolidated its power over the economy and all aspects of national life to an extent not seen before. It has sealed its partnership with capitalism and imperialism into an almost unbreakable bond. It has worked out its strategy to ensure that power remains within the ranks of the ruling elite while creating an impression of change through parliamentary elections. It has ensured that the land and resources they, as a class, stole before and after independence remained in their hands. They have ensured that no political party that challenges their rule is allowed to function. The same with any individuals who threaten to expose their theft and loot of national resources.
People started seeing the betrayal of Jomo Kenyatta and KANU-B even before independence at the Lancaster House constitutional conferences[9]. Various methods were tried to change this colonial and imperialist settlement. First, there was an attempt within the original KANU to return to its roots, but this was finally defeated by Kenyatta’s KANU-B[10] at the 1966 Limuru Conference. Next, the progressive people came together to form the Kenya People’s Union in 1966. This was banned by Kenyatta in 1969. The only solution seems to take resistance underground. The December Twelve Movement and Mwakenya tried this and were also defeated. Note that all these individuals and movements were anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist. That was the main reason they were attacked or suppressed. It is only now that a real people’s movement is emerging. It should be noted that unlike Mau Mau, none of these depended on people’s involvement, although they did have people’s support.
And Now
The lessons of past experiences have been learnt. Popular leaders get killed, as were Dedan Kimathi, Marete Baimunge, J.M. Kariuki, Pio Gam Pinto, Karimi Nduthu and many others. So the current resistance is ‘leaderless’ — not without leadership, it should be noted.
Political parties and movements get banned and suppressed, history shows. Hence, the current resistance has not emerged as a political party — but it remains a powerful organised force.
Ideology has always been at the backbone of struggles in Kenya. Any person or party advocating socialism was systematically eliminated — physically or by suppression. Hence, today’s resistance remains without officially declaring its ideology. But looking behind their demands and actions, it is clear that it is anti-capitalism and anti-imperialist.
Previous struggles have seen the ruling class dividing people on the basis of nationality, religion, gender and many other so-called divisions in the society. All the previous resistance movements avoided such divisions. The current resistance is by all nationalities. Women play an import role in it, not merely as shadows as in bourgeois societies.
The struggle since independence has been a class struggle against the comprador and imperialist capitalist class. Class struggle remains an important aspect of the current resistance. Indeed, the actions in the streets is proving as an important method of instilling class consciousness among people.
The key factor about the current resistance is that it is a mass movement, not merely one formed by a few individuals or movements. It encompasses a large number of politicised people from different groups and movements. Like the Mau Mau, the current resistance is financed entirely by the activists and their supporters through mass collections, using social media. It has thus remained independent from political or financial interests which normally drag resistance back to the imperialist camp, particularly if NGOs are involved. Much like Mau Mau, the current resistance gets key information before it becomes public knowledge, like the sale of the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport which was being sold by the government quite to foreign capital. Much like Mau Mau, resistance today is ready to change tactics and strategies to meet the changing needs, as Ruto tries to manoeuvre out of difficult situations.
The movement is spread throughout the country. It has the support of many professionals, such as medical staff who have tended to those injured by the police, emergency services, lawyers and others. The movement comes with the background of massive strikes by doctors and nurses, teachers and others. Their action is now consolidated by journalist, doctors, engineers. Some of these are in the resistance calendar, as it becomes a national resistance movement:
Voice of Resistance
The resistance is supposed to be leaderless and organisation-less; it has no spokespersons. Yet its voice is loud and clear on social media. In order to see what the movement represents, one needs to turn to its voice as seen and heard on social media, as there have been many national forums and meetings which discuss key issues, ranging from financial matter to the role of IMF. Some of the demands are captured in the following postings on social media:
It is noteworthy that the resistance is well supported by Kenyans in other countries, including USA, Germany and Britain. The voice of resistance is now not only nation-wise, but global. Among targets for attacks are not only the Ruto government but also those who are behind Kenya’s troubles: USA government and IMF.
Demands of Resistance in pictures
At the same time, many debates have been held to discus options and to understand financial and political issues involves in the current situation in Kenya. One such debate was entitled ‘Ruto Must Go, Gen Z spitting wisdom at Anzio Citizen’s Assembly’. For example, report from one of such assemblies stated:
Up to 120 delegates from militant organizations participated in the first consultative meeting to reconsolidate the gains made in the streets and to steadfastly move forward with the crucial task of widening our organization and intensifying our national coordination towards consolidating the victory of the people.
It is instructive to see some of the people who participated in such assemblies:
Another image from yet another such assembly:
Conclusion: Resistance Lives!
Ruto has threatened even more state violence for future resistance activities, contrary to people’s constitutional rights. Whatever happens in the future, some things have changed for ever, however Comprador Ruto and his imperialism backers react to people’s resistance. A few of these can be mentioned:
1. Ruto has lost credibility in Kenya, Africa and the world.
2. The image of imperialism as an impartial arbitrator in people’s struggles against their ruling elite has been shattered yet again. Also shattered is the image of IMF, World Bank and Western international finance as forces for good of the people of Africa.
3. Capitalism and imperialism have been exposed as systems of people’s exploitation.
4. Kenyan people are united in opposing Ruto and all that he and his government stand for.
5. Working people in Africa are seeing the resistance of the people of Kenya as a way out of their misery and oppression under imperialism.
6. There is now a common understanding in Kenya: there was ‘No Moism without Moi’ then; there will be no ‘Moism as Ruto’ now.
7. Resistance is everywhere in Kenya and Africa now. The old-style resistance to IMF food riots are now the new style resistance driven by people-power.
History does not move in a straight line. There are ups and downs for people in their struggle for liberation. But the overall trend is always towards qualitatively higher level of resistance . Each act of resistance today leads to a higher level of resistance in the future. Nationality resistance in early days of colonialism led to armed resistance by Mau Mau; underground resistance by December Twelve Movement and Mwakenya and the open politics by the Kenya People’s Union gave birth to the struggle for a new Constitution which, in turn, led to today’s resistance by the people. A People United Can Never Be Defeated!
Final Word
Resistance does not grow on trees, it does not fall from the sky nor does it grow in social vacuum. It is nurtured with study, investigation and practice before it comes to maturity. There is ample evidence of this on-going process of learning and doing resistance. That is what resistance is all about.
Meanwhile, a real dilemma for Ruto
The struggle continues…
Shiraz Durrani is a Kenyan political exile living in London. He has worked at the University of Nairobi as well as various public libraries in Britain where he also lectured at the London Metropolitan University. Shiraz has written many articles and addressed conferences on aspects of Kenyan history and on politics of information in the context of colonialism and imperialism. His latest book is a joint publication with Nigel Flanagan (2024): Trade Union Studies in UK and Kenya.
Some of his articles are available at https://independent.academia.edu/DurraniShiraz
and books at: https://www.africanbookscollective.com/search-results?form.keywords=vita+books
[1] Barnett, Donald L. and Njama, Karari (1966): Mau Mau from Within: Autobiography and Analysis of Kenya’s Peasant Revolt. New York: Monthly Review Press.
[2] Emphases added.
[3] Available from African Books Collective. https://www.africanbookscollective.com/search-results?form.keywords=vita+books
[4] Durrani, Shiraz (2019): Kenya’s War of Independence: Britain Invades Kenya, 1885-1952. Notes & Quotes Study Guides No. 5 (2019). Based on his book, Kenya’s War of Independence. Available at: https://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/kenyas-war-of-independence.
[5] See Shiraz Durrani’s three books in the series published by Vita Books, Kenya Resists: Mau Mau, the Revolutionary, Anti-Imperialist Force from Kenya, 1948-1963 (https://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/mau-mau-the-revolutionary-anti-imperialist-force-from-kenya-1948-1963); Trade Unions in Kenya’s War of Independence (https://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/trade-unions-in-kenyas-war-of-independence); and People’s Resistance to Colonialism and Imperialism in Kenya (https://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/peoples-resistance-to-colonialism-and-imperialism-in-kenya).
[6] Durrani, Shiraz (2018): People’s Resistance to Colonialism and Imperialism. Nairobi: Vita Books.
[7] Durrani, Shiraz (2018): Kenya’s War of Independence. Nairobi: Vita Books. Available at: https://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/kenyas-war-of-independence
[8] Mwakenya (1987): Draft Minimum Programme. Available at Ukombozi Library, Nairobi.
[9] See Durrani, Shiraz (2023): Two Paths Ahead: The Ideological Struggle between Capitalism and Socialism in Kenya, 1960-1970. pp.9-10. Nairobi: Vita Books. Available at: https://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/two-paths-ahead
[10] Kenya African National Union – B: Refers to the Party after it had turned to capitalism under Jomo Kenyatta, particularly after 1965).
