Justice Chandru Committee’s Report On Caste Discrimination In Tamilnadu’s Schools – More notable are the attitudes and responses in the Periyarist state

Chandru Committee report

The one-man committee of  Justice K Chandru handed over its 600-page report to the the Chief  Minister of Tamil Nadu, MK Stalin (second  from Right) on June 18, 2024. Three months after that, there is still  no news whether it was officially ‘accepted’ by the government, presented  to the legislature, nor there is any Action Taken Report.  

The DMK conducted its platinum jubilee event on Sep  17th commemorating the party’s 75th anniversary. Amid the tall claims of self-respect movement, this issue of brazen  caste oppression and the Chandru report, submitted three months ago, did not find mention. 

A ghastly incident on August 9, 2023, when a Dalit school boy named Chinnadurai, of Class XII in a high school in Nanguneri town in Tirunelveli district, was brutally hacked by schoolmates of ‘higher’ castes led to widespread outrage in Tamil Nadu. Later, his sister also was attacked. Both were hospitalised. The two siblings were shifted by the  government to another school and the family was provided with a house in another settlement. 

The attack on the Dalit siblings was not a solitary incident; it pointed to the deeply entrenched casteism in the state. That school-level students have taken up arms against their co-students reveals the extent of the degeneration.

Chief  Minister (CM) of Tamil Nadu, MK Stalin, on August 12 last year had ordered the setting up of a one-man committee under retired Madras High Court judge Justice K Chandru to study the issue, and recommend suggestions to prevent caste discrimination among school and college students in the state. It was an election season – the state had Loksabha polls in the very first round in April 2024 – and BJP led by Modi and Annamalai, had targeted the southern state. Aided by native allies including Periyarists, BJP went into an offensive, confident of a dent, though it did not materialize the way they had anticipated. Stalin was then hard-pressed, and committees do help to divert the attention, and to buy time and peace.

The Report, having served that purpose, apparently was binned, not presented to the Assembly. This article, after some discussion on casteist politics that are ruling Periyarist Tamilnadu, lists  the recommendations made by Justice Chandru. It ends with an Appendix  that gives the terms of reference, the scheme and contents list of the Committee Report, and Text of the Recommendations. 

Justice Chandru, it may be recalled, became more popular, and known to millions of people across India, with the classic Tamil film, Jai Bhim, based on real-life incidents of Tamilnadu decades ago, dubbed into many languages.

At a time the incident was underplayed by the media, Countercurrents.org (19/08/2023) had published a detailed report by this author ten days after the  incident. In fact CC had a series on the rampant, endemic casteism in Tamilnadu (see elsewhere and at the end links to a few articles), that successfully covered up the ugly reality. The article on caste discrimination in schools was published under this title: 

Brazen and unchecked casteism, even in schools of Periyarist Tamil Nadu, Dalit teen and sister hacked by dominant caste students

Attack On Dalit Tamil Nadu

Mother Ambikapathi in a hospital where a dalit boy aged 17 was admitted as he was attacked on 2023 August 9, by his schoolmates, as part of casteist harassment, in Tamilnadu. ‘It was going on for past 4 years’, said the mother.  She is a cook in a government school at Peruntheru, Nanguneri. 

The family belongs to the Paraiyar community (Scheduled Caste). Both siblings were hacked with sickles by seven minors who belong to the dominant Maravar community, a sub-caste of Thevar (Backward Class); Thevar elite, entrenched in the polity, are among those who wield power in Tamilnadu.

According to reports, people from Chinnadurai’s village protested along with his family and during this protest, his grandfather collapsed and died on the spot.

Initial police investigation revealed that Chinnadurai had complained of casteist harassment to his parents and had refused to attend school a week before he was attacked. Later the school teacher chided the culpits. ..Angered by this, the boys confronted Chinnadurai on his way home and threatened him. On the same night, the students entered his house with sickles and attacked him.

Even as this case was in the news, in another shocking incident, just a week later,  Hari Prasad, a Class 11 student from the Pallar (SC) community, in Kalugumalai, Tuticorin was attacked by 10 students on Thursday, August 17. He was subjected to casteist harassment at school when he tried to stop a fight between two other students in which his friend Hemanth was involved. Later that day, a group of ten students travelled to Lakshmipuram and attacked, castigated and threatened to kill him before they fled. Later, he was admitted to the Government Hospital in Kovilpatti for treatment.

It is not as if these are rare and unforeseen incidents. Kathir, the founder of the NGO Evidence, says that in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu, schools see violent expressions of caste hatred. The proliferation of caste atrocities inside Tamil Nadu’s schools have now become more obvious than ever before. 

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Colour-coded threads around the wrists have been used as caste-markers in Tamil Nadu over the past several years.

colour coded threads

Symbolic representation of colored threads around the wrist. 

That is an irony of Tamilnadu, where Periyarist politics have been dominating the polity for a century now:

Non-Brahmin leaders of Justice Party led the then Madras province as Chief Ministers for 13 out of 17 years between 1920-37. Post-1947 Madras (Tamilnadu), after some years of Brahmin Rajaji’s leadership, saw non-Brahmin Kamaraj as the Chief Minister for a decade from 1954 to 1963, followed by another non-Brahmin CM Bhaktavatsalam. From 1967 till date, it was Periyarist parties (DMK, AIADMK) who headed the state without interruption (except brief stints of President’s Rule).

Tamilnadu has a rare political party PMK, led by ‘doctor’ S Ramadas, that openly calls for a ban on inter-caste marriages with dalits, akin to Hindutva politics of ‘love jihad’. It must be conceded that even the Sangh parivar did not stoop to that level. However, not only BJP but Periyarist parties (now AIADMK, and DMK earlier) and forces too have been allies with PMK! It is rank opportunism on the part of all the parties in Tamilnadu, including Periyarist and Ambedkarite, that swear by the Constitution and Ambedkar.

“But all these formal and minimalist gestures are futile as in Tamilnadu, ruled by Periyarist parties from 1967 till date without interruption, platitudes are not in short supply. Social justice, anti-Brahminism, and self-respect movements are bandied about even as brazen casteist electoral politics have been pursued by almost all election parties”.

The above remarks then made in the CC article are more than borne out by the Report, and the consequent remarks and responses by various parties and organizations.  

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Most of the political  parties and the media showed no interest, while BJP condemned it all

The Committee highlighted Ambedkar’s  words, given below, while making Recommendations. That became a Red Rag.

Ambedkar

The Report had received a poor coverage in the Big media. Compare it to coverage on the Kolkata atrocity. There is no information whether it was accepted by the govt, if it was presented to the legislature where CM Stalin had announced the formation of the Committee. Nor of any (ATR) Action Taken Report.

Justice Chandru was named to head the single-member Committee. This very decision, a section of the media reported, “ignited a firestorm of debate and dissent throughout the state.”  Known for his vocal opinions and historical affiliations, Justice Chandru has put forth “a sweeping set of recommendations” aimed at reshaping student behaviour and educational norms.

“Adding to the controversy is Justice Chandru’s past association with a Communist Party, raising doubts about his impartiality towards Hinduism and his stance on minority rights. His advocacy for economic reservation policies that exclude upper castes from benefits has exacerbated tensions, sparking heated discussions on caste-based affirmative action and its implications for societal harmony,” said  a news report.

It does  not occur to them that Communist parties are  recognized  in India, have been ruling  parties in some states, including some very large ones like  Bengal for decades. All judges  have  their  own ideologies, and  some have political preferences too. But  curiously a communist  tag is still  a red rag to many.

We could not  obtain the full text of the 600-page Report. Only a summary of its recommendations are available (See it later in this article).  

Justice Chandru had sought views and suggestions from various stakeholders including schools, colleges, universities, teaching and non-teaching staff associations for the report.

The Committee’s Report, it is reported, revealed that the notice sent to teachers and students organisations yielded no feedback. Similarly, the larger political parties had also remained silent without any suggestions. Apparently even the ruling party DMK led by Stalin did not formally appear before the committee.

Speaking to DT Next, of the Daily Thanti media group, about the experience of preparing the Report, submitted on June 18, the retired judge said…

“Curiously, except for a few parties, most political parties that raised so much noise in the aftermath of the Nanguneri incident and called for strict action, did not respond to the Committee’s notice. Therefore, I had to rely on the news reports and articles that were published in scholarly magazines, text books and books written on the subject by several known teachers. Chief Minister MK Stalin told me that his government was committed to taking steps and that the report of the committee will be sincerely considered and implemented.”

Ironically, Chandru notes that the report about the Nanguneri incident submitted by the then Tirunelveli District Chief Educational Officer to the Directorate of School Education claimed that it was “merely a clash between two sets of students”. Justice Chandru termed this “highly disappointing”. 

The committee however received 1,448 responses from college students, of which nearly 1,300 mostly identical responses came from a specific government college in Tirunelveli, where students wrote a letter advocating the termination of caste-based reservation. Obviously it was orchestrated.

Followed by the strong attack by the BJP State president K Annamalai, the party’s vice president Narayanan Thirupathy condemned the recommendations of the committee.

“ Chandru had prepared the report without knowing the rich culture and heritage of our country. He’s acting like a propaganda secretary to the DMK,” Narayanan attacked. “The report intends to annihilate the culture and customs of Hindus by projecting particular leaders as social justice forerunners. The real social justice leaders are Ramanujar and Bharathiyar. In the last 50 years of Dravidian rule, the education system has been spoiled and taken a path into the abyss.”

The Right wing felt: ‘Central to his proposals are stringent measures targeting Hindu symbols and practices under the guise of social justice reforms. These include banning coloured wristbands (Kalawa), rings, and traditional forehead marks (Tilaka) worn by students, ostensibly to eliminate caste distinctions in schools.’  

Chandru said he was surprised the BJP’s state executive committee in Tamil Nadu would issue statements and condemn the report without reading it.

“How could Annamalai say that imparting ethical lessons, revising the curriculum to impart social values and other recommendations were against the interest of students? It only shows that BJP is starved of any issues especially after the defeat in the recent Lok Sabha polls,” he elaborated. “Annamalai does not know that I had worked for nine months on an honorary basis preparing the report. I didn’t take a single paisa, and yet, he has accused me of having vested interests while submitting the report.”

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Doubts and questions about the recommendations

 BJP’s view was at one extreme. Though the general secretary of TN Eradication of Untouchability Front, K Samuel Raj, who gave their inputs to the Committee, welcomed the recommendations, he said: “Some of the recommendations are impractical. Since we cannot be prejudiced that only certain castes practice discrimination, the recommendation of ‘no headmaster, CEO or BEO from the dominant caste from that area’, will have serious negative outcomes.”

Samuel welcomed the recommendation of including a column in the annual confidential report of how the headmasters were treating students from SC/ST communities. Further, he expressed doubts on the State’s capacity to implement them. Why? See this article:  

Tamilnadu : Drinking  water-tank of  Vengaivayal dalit colony found with human excreta mixed: no arrests, no breakthrough even after one year (31/12/2023)

https://countercurrents.org/2023/12/tamilnadu-drinking-water-tank-of-vengaivayal-dalit-colony-found-with-human-excreta-mixed-no-arrests-no-breakthrough-even-after-one-year/

Now recently on July 8, asked why the government (CB-CID) is unable to catch the culprits. It was during hearing a PIL (The Hindu).  

Chandru is an idealist who recommended a role for local bodies, some observers say. See this: 

The panel recommended enhancing local bodies’ control over primary education. ..The government should formulate new legislation to grant true autonomous powers to local bodies, making education more people-oriented by amending the existing Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act of 1994,” it said.

Perhaps he did not reckon with ground realities of local bodies in the state, as discussed in one of our articles:

Dalit panchayat presidents face brazen discrimination in Tamilnadu, after a century of Periyarist politics (15/04/2022)

These details are important to know  the almost  insurmountable hurdles to implementation of the Report in the hinterlands of Tamilnadu, where most schools are located and casteism is more brazen.

Of the 4,000 Dalit panchayat presidents elected in Tamilnadu state so far, 1,000 to 1,200 have struggled with caste-based discrimination, says Rangaswamy Elango, Dalit-born former panchayat President of Kuthambakkam, and founder of Panchayat Academy, very near to Chennai city. (thefederal.com, Report by N Vinoth Kumar, 19 November, 2019).

Dalit panchayat presidents, despite being elected people’s representatives and protected by a host of laws for the SC/ST community, face at least 13 types of discrimination, says G Palanithurai., a former professor of Gandhigram University. The same thefederal.com report gives details:

Palanithurai, during his research on local governance over the past many years, found that a Dalit panchayat president is: Barred from hoisting the national flag in the panchayat office. And Denied revenue records by village administrative officers.

1.Denied the right to sit on a chair in the panchayat office.

  1. Subjected to physical attacks.
  2. Not entrusted with official records.
  3. Subjugated by caste Hindu vice-presidents who often control documents.
  4. Denied reports of panchayat expenditures by vice-presidents and clerks.
  5. Addressed by caste name.
  6. Denied the right to take decisions and to give opinions.
  7. Denied the right to run the office independently.
  8. Denied to talk about social justice and take up related work.
  9. Pressured to work in the interest of political parties who fielded him/her.
  10. Neglected by all government offices. It is a shame to say that we are living in the land of Periyar,” Prof Palanithurai says.

With such a situation prevailing for decades, what will be the plight if the bigwigs are given autonomy?  

https://countercurrents.org/2022/04/dalit-panchayat-presidents-face-brazen-discrimination-in-tamilnadu-after-a-century-of-periyarist-politics/

Chandru opined that the caste associations played a significant role in poisoning the minds of students and keeping caste differences eternally alive. But it is pointed out: “ We must acknowledge that these associations are inseparable from politics and from political parties, including in Periyarist Tamilnadu.” 

“We have forgotten to teach social issues to students. Even if a rudimentary form of such subjects are introduced, we do not have competent and sensitive teachers to impart the same,” he stated.

He also pointed out that if the State government wanted to move towards equality and non-discrimination, it needed a wider change at the societal level, and educational institutions played a huge part in achieving that. “It starts by undoing a 1,000-year-old inhumane practice of caste discrimination. Without exploring avenues for societal change, and restricting only to minor reforms will pave the way for caste violence to recur,” he averred.

Interestingly, the committee suggested that an expert body or agency be appointed by the government to investigate allegations of saffronisation of education and activities that infiltrate educational institutions, hampering caste and communal harmony. That is in a state that was ruled exclusively by Periyarist parties ever since 1967.

Right-wing critics have damned the Committee’s approach for what they perceive as a discriminatory focus on Hindu customs, contrasting it sharply with the rhetoric of social equality. The inclusion of “a provocative quote”  by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar questioning the longevity of Hindu traditions in the committee’s report has further fueled accusations of an anti-Hindu bias underlying the recommendations.

We have seen how  the very idea of criticising sanatan dharma evoked strong response and the Supreme Court in March last rebuked DMK leader  Udayanidhi Stalin, son of CM. The Court said he abused the Rights under Article19(1) A and Article 25, by saying  ‘eradicate’ it. The Fundamental  Rights are so fragile, plastic and vulnerable, if not empty. They are at the mercy of the government and judiciary of the day.

And so much about  tolerance of ‘Hindus’ some of who publicly display all their contempt for other religions, “archaic Islam”  and its “outdated Shariat” in particular. All religions have platitudes aplenty but, in practice, played historically reactionary roles and needed endless reforms and reformers, over centuries.

Not only the BJP but many in INDIA alliance also demanded an apology from Udayanidhi for his  remarks on sanatana dharma. 

* “ There are 87 forms of untouchability and 28 forms of atrocities existing in Tamil Nadu”, says a survey by Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front (TNUEF).

* Upto 350 SC/ST persons were murdered in TN between Jan 2016 and Dec 2020, with only 13 convictions (TNM Sep 20, 2021, RTI data, from 35 out of 38 dts, NGO Evidence A Kathir. 229 cases still in courts.

*Going by all of the data received, an average of 5 to 6 caste murders of SC/ST persons happened every month from 2016 to 2020, the report says.

That is in a State ruled by Periyarists for more than a half  century without interruption.

Law and legal measures are suggested to tackle the situation. But the Tamilnadu police,  praised for its efficiency of Scotland Yard, is itself  plagued with deep casteist prejudices.We discussed that in this article:

Tamilnadu’s Political Casteism and DSP Vishnupriya’s Suicide(09/04/2022)

https://countercurrents.org/2022/04/tamilnadus-political-casteism-and-dsp-vishnupriyas-suicide/

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Key Recommendations

chandru committee recommendations

A limited  survey by Tamilnadu Eradication of Untouchability Front. Its founder K Samuel Raj, who provided inputs to the Committee, welcomed the recommendations, but expressed doubts on the “State’s capacity to implement them.” The situation as  indicated  by the survey helps to understand the background and context of the recommendations.

Recommendations that “Cannot Wait Anymore” and “Long Term Goals”  were made separately.

Casteist politics in India, including Periyarist Tamilnadu, are so deeply rooted that Chandru’s recommendations appear, even to those who agree with him, to be idealist and impracticable. 

The text of the recommendations is given at the end as an Appendix. dtnext.in ..of daily thanti July 30,2024 published a summary, given below.  It is by no means  complete or comprehensive. But it gives some idea. 

…    …  

Issue an administrative order to remove the names Kallar Reclamation and Adi Dravidar Welfare as prefixes from school names and solely refer it as government school followed by the place

Remove any caste prefix or suffix associated with government schools that indicate either the donor or their family

Request private schools having caste appellationss to drop it and impose conditions on the educational agency seeking to establish a new school that it should not bear any caste appellation

Periodic transfer of teachers from high schools and higher secondary schools

No persons belonging from the dominant caste of that particular area must not be appointed as Chief Education Officer, District Education Officer, Block Education Officer and Head Master

Annual confidential reports for officers and headmasters must include a column to record their attitudes towards Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST)

A code of conduct for teachers and staff of all types of schools, colleges and universities run by the government must be prescribed statutorily

Teachers Recruitment Board must ascertain and take into account the aptitude and attitude of teachers towards social justice issues at the time of recruitment

Before the commencement of every academic year, teachers and staff of all the schools and colleges must undergo a compulsory orientation programme relating to social issues, caste discrimination and the different laws pertaining to sexual violence, sexual harassment, drugs, ragging and offences against SC/ST

A committee with experts should be constituted to provide suggestions for eliminating incorrect views and to include content that will enhance social justice values, non-discriminatory attitudes and concepts of equality

Social justice monitoring committee should be constituted with academicians and social activists to monitor students’ curriculum on social issues, and suggest appropriate modifications by including topics based on social justice, equality and non-discrimination based on caste

Seating arrangements in every classroom in all schools and colleges should be strictly based on alphabetical order, except for those with disabilities who may be accommodated in the front row

Caste names of students must be kept confidential, especially while announcing details of communications received regarding scholarships – these must not be done in classrooms

No teacher can call any students by either directly or indirectly referring to their caste nor make any derogatory comments about the student’s caste, teachers violating the directive must be put against strict disciplinary action

Evolve a code of discipline for students including prohibiting them from wearing any coloured wristbands, rings, or forehead marks

Students should refrain from coming to school on bicycles painted with reference to their caste or exhibiting any caste-related sentiments

Conduct orientation programmes for students in classes 6-12 at the beginning of every academic year

The State must permit schools and colleges to have students’ associations with leadership elected annually by conducting elections

Prohibit use of mobile phones by school students in the campus

Conducting moral classes for students from classes 6-12 in all schools, imparting concepts of social justice, equality and non-discrimination

Appoint one trained counsellor for each block to monitor students and protect them from getting drug addiction, and also to recommend admission of student-addicts to a de-addiction centre at the expense of the State

Establish a social justice students’ force with students from all communities free from communal divisions united in their efforts to combat social evils

Frame guidelines to all educational institutions prohibiting the usage of auditoriums, classrooms, playgrounds or open spaces for non-educational purposes especially propagating communal or caste-related messages

Declare a specific area as prone to caste-atrocity after an assessment and take precautionary and preventive measures in those areas.

https://www.dtnext.in/news/tamilnadu/what-justice-chandru-panel-suggested-to-cast-caste-away-from-schools-in-tn-797298?infinitescroll=1

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Tamilnadu’s Caste mafia has deep roots and thrives by patronage  of ruling parties

The above is the title of one of our earlier articles (26/03/2022).

https://countercurrents.org/2022/03/tamilnadus-caste-mafia-has-deep-roots-and-thrives-by-patronage-of-ruling-parties/

The committee also recommended that the Tamil Nadu government enact a separate legislation governing all students from schools to higher educational institutions, to enforce a policy of social inclusion and eradicate caste discrimination. But what is the ground reality  in higher educational institutes? And who are to implement it? The same state  that is representing the oppressor classes?  The Report comes into such a social milieu. Its recommendations face severe hurdles, as indicated below.

Yuvaraj Dheeran Chinnamalai Peravai

The caste frenzy in Tamilnadu can palpably be felt in this photo of 2015: Yuvaraj, the leader of the caste outfit Dheeran Chinnamalai Peravai, being welcomed as a hero who had given the slip to the police for 109 days. (Photo courtesy: The News Minute.) Yuvaraj was leading a “ Educated Caste Hindu Youth Campaign Against Inter Caste Marriages,” as captioned by The Hindu, July, 16, 2012. 

The following lines help to gauge the depth of social strife in Tamilnadu.

Yuvaraj had set up a forum for the campaign, developed an intelligence-gathering system for such marriages, and addressed meetings in colleges in Kongunadu region. “ As a person who reflected the caste majoritarian psyche in this region, Yuvaraj gained acceptance as a caste mafia and someone who could keep their caste pride intact…”

Sporting slogans like ‘Kongunadu singam (lion) and yuvaraj army’, on cars, youth freely roamed about the streets..wearing tea shirts with Dheeran vaarisu (successor) printed on them…he  was linked with “honor killings”, murders etc..The prosecution presented it as a “caste bigotry murder”. The Court, upholding the Trial Court’s verdict, said: “ ..The accused in this case were under the influence of a demon called caste”..He was being described as a ‘warrior’, ‘king’, and ‘lion of Kongunadu (western Tamil Nadu)’…

The Instagram fan page with almost 2,250 followers declared that “our people” must be ready to be involved in “field work” with Yuvaraj …And despite two judges of the High Court cautioning of pressures, these fan pages have not been reigned in by the Tamil Nadu police.

It is amid such a situation Chandru made recommendations,  like:

While the words ‘Kallar Reclamation’ and ‘Adi Dravidar Welfare’ should be removed from State-run schools, in the case of existing private schools, the School Education Department should request these schools to give up caste appellations, the report recommended. “If they fail to comply, appropriate legal steps should be considered, including legislative changes to serve the larger public interest,” the report said.

The students’ attendance register should not contain any column or details relating to their caste. “At no point can the class teacher call out students by either directly or indirectly referring to their caste, nor make any derogatory remarks about the student’s caste or the so-called character attributed to the caste”.But  teachers  themselves  are mostly prejudiced,  and have  caste-based associations.,  or wings attached  to caste-based political parties.  

As Tamil Nadu and beyond grapple with the fallout of these recommendations, the discourse has been broadened to encompass contentious questions of religious freedom, educational equity, and the role of ideology in policy-making. The proposals set forth by Justice Chandru’s committee have placed the educational landscape at a critical juncture, where the pursuit of social justice appears to intersect with contentious interpretations of cultural identity and tradition.

The report also calls for new legislation to promote social inclusion and eradicate caste discrimination, imposing responsibilities on students, staff, and school management, with mechanisms for supervision and penalties for non-compliance.

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“ Tamilnadu governments were in practice  not merely callous, but complicit in the matter ”: Dr. Anand Teltumbde

That was what was summed up more than a decade ago, by Dr. Anand Teltumbde, renowned Democratic Rights Activist, himself imprisoned, framed up and bailed out recently,  after a Fact Finding Mission in Tamilnadu.

His views are echoed by some in Tamilnadu: Evidence (NGO) founder Kathir alleges that in the case of acquittals the state does not appeal the verdict on time and that the performance of public prosecutors nor that of the investigating police officer are up to par. Kathir says there are delays at each stage, from the filing of the FIR or the chargesheet to the actual pronouncement of the judgment. Often, in the case of convictions, the sentencing is under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) alone and not under PoA. Charge-sheets are often too weak, he says, adding that there are delays also in the arrest of the accused once the FIR is filed and in the monetary compensation reaching the victim’s families.

Such are the socio-political realities of Periyar’s land, a century after Vaikkom temple entry, led by Gandhi and Periyar, and after almost six decades of uninterrupted rule by Periyarist and Dravidian parties.

The reforms, social political and constitutional, evidently failed: In fact, electoral, caste-based vote-bank politics revived and aggravated caste animosities.    

Chandru’s is a committee led by a committed humanitarian. However, such committees and Commissions as those for SCs and STs are no panacea, as can be seen from past experience, and from other states where atrocities are quite high despite such bodies. In fact, they are used to cover up, and cool the victims’ wrath.  

Ominously, dalits are used to attack dalits! That is the pattern seen by the discerning. Landless dalits are often used to attack dalits. It is semi-feudal land relations that facilitate this: A victim said: “Most of the Dalit men involved in the attacks are dependent on the Vanniyar community for livelihood. They work in their farms to sustain their livelihoods”. (The Hindu) . That is where class and land question come to the fore.

Tamilnadu is claimed as an advanced, developed and progressive state, but its economy, polity and culture are marked by distinct features of semi-feudalism. Caste oppression is inseparably linked with that:   

A higher number of SC/ST men are the murder victims says Kathir, and the reasons range from disagreements over land, anti-caste activism, temple entry and inter-caste marriages. Anand Teltumbde also, after deep investigation, had linked it to the land relations and casteist politics. See more on this:    

Social Justice in words, Brazen Casteism And Slavery in Practice , in Tamil Nadu,  07/01/2022

https://countercurrents.org/2022/01/social-justice-in-words-brazen-casteism-and-slavery-in-practice-in-tamil-nadu/

Dravidian top brass, Anna Durai and Periyar himself, were witness to Keelavenmani  massacre that had connivance of the state and its police and indulgence of top courts that had acquitted the culprits after decades of litigation.

The DMK-AIADMK divide further exacerbated vote-bank and divisive caste politics, for example, by placating  Vanniar lobbies and PMK. Their “struggle” against Brahminical forces is Quixotic. They are themselves centres of casteist politics, intermediary caste lobbies running amok, with anti-dalit fervour (Recall their reaction towards the film, Jai Bhim. And writer Peumal Murugan.)

Most of the Dalit-Ambedkarite parties and factions are playing second fiddle to the ruling classes and dominant parties. BJP is fishing in these troubled waters, by nominating a non-Brahmin president and they play politics of hunting with the hound and running with the hare. The Left parties, the whole range of them, are going along beaten paths. They dare  not call a spade a spade, and hanker after the DMK and AIADMK, had joined alliances that included rabid anti-dalit PMK, for the sake of a few seats in legislatures.   

 The DMK conducted its platinum jubilee event on Sep  17th commemorating the party’s 75th anniversary. “Slavery in practice”, we wrote in 2022. As if  to prove that DMK had its show. Amid the tall claims of self-respect movement, this issue of caste oppression and the Chandru report did not find any mention.

Among the DMK awardees of the gala event, one of the cadres reportedly said, “I am very happy. I have been associated with the DMK from my college days..We have been toiling from Kalaignar’s (Karunanidhi’s) time. After him, we toiled for Thalapathy  (CM Stalin) and now we have received the affection of Chinnavar (Udhayanidhi Stalin) and we continue to work hard to receive his respect as well. My goal, wish, and objective is that Kalaignar’s family must rule the country and the party. We are Kalaignar’s slaves. We do not bother if we are called bonded labourers working for the family and the party. Yes, we are slaves…Udhayanidhi Stalin must be made Deputy CM.”

(The Commune, September 18, 2024. it is a right wing paper )  

The ruling elite of Tamilnadu are keen on their empire. Dalit oppression and Chandru Report have no due place there.

(Caste oppression in Periyarist Tamilnadu was covered earlier in a series of articles by Ramakrishnan, in countercurrents.org. A few are mentioned below  together with their links :

‘Honour killings’ in the land of ‘self-respect movement’ ,  06/12/2021

https://countercurrents.org/2021/12/honour-killings-in-the-land-of-self-respect-movement-part-1/

Social Justice in words, Brazen Casteism And Slavery in Practice , in Tamil Nadu

07/01/2022

https://countercurrents.org/2022/01/social-justice-in-words-brazen-casteism-and-slavery-in-practice-in-tamil-nadu/

Tamilnadu’s Caste mafia has deep roots and thrives by patronage of ruling parties , 26/03/2022

https://countercurrents.org/2022/03/tamilnadus-caste-mafia-has-deep-roots-and-thrives-by-patronage-of-ruling-parties/

(The author is a political observer who frequently wrote for countercurrents.org.)

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Appendix

The terms of reference, the scheme and contents of the Committee and its Report are given below.

Report  of the One Man Committee

… to avoid violence based on caste and community feelings among college and school students, create harmony and to suggest guidelines..

RECOMMENDATIONS

-Justice K Chandru

One Man Committee

G.O.(Ms) No. 152 School Education Gen 1(2) Dept. dt. 23.8.2023

Terms of Reference:

  1. The Committee to analyse measures that would have to be taken to create an atmosphere free of differences on the basis of caste / creed in Schools and Colleges.
  2. The Committee to list out the guidelines, suggestions and motivation required for creating a caste / creed free society as the ultimate goal of harmony in association with teachers, students and parents and submit reports.
  3. The Committee to advise the govt. on setting up a Grievance Redressal Mechanism so as to enable the students to ventilate their grievances.
  4. The Committee in connection with the issue solicit opinions from educationists, students, social workers, journalists and various other segments and submit their opinions to the government in its Report.
  5. In order to have a deep understanding, the Committee must         interact with the Police Officers, Child Welfare Committees, Juvenile Justice Boards, and Children in Conflict with Law and to suggest clear guidelines and ethical standards to the government.
  6. The Committee must investigate such other factors which it may consider necessary or as per the suggestions made by the government.

INDEX

S. No.DescriptionPg. No.
1.Acknowledgements1
2.Introduction3
3.Methodology8
4.“Nanguneri Incident” – An Eye Opener14
5.Criminalisation and Communalisation of School Students36
6.Violence and Caste Discrimination in Higher Educational Institutions63
7.Is the Abolition of Reservation a Solution?135
8.What did the Government do to address the issue of Casteism in Educational Institutions?150
9.Governance of Teachers196
10.Structural Reforms in the Appointment and Supervision of Teachers218
11.Utilizing the Properties of Institutions only for Educational Purposes279
12.Noon Meal Centres and Problems of Caste288
13.All Schools under One Roof330
14.On Residuary Issues Dropping Caste Appellations from Educational Institution NamesAddressing Caste References in Student Records and Seat             Allocation403
 Prohibiting Coloured Wristbands, Rings, Forehead Tilakas, Caste-Indicative Colors on Cycles and Exhibiting Caste Feeling by Students in SchoolsMandatory Orientation to Students on Serious Criminal Laws Applicable to Educational InstitutionsConducting Ara Neri Classes (அறெந௣ வgப்yகள் )Reservation in Higher Secondary Science Courses in SchoolsPreventing the Mobile Phone MenaceStrengthening NSS and Establishing a New Student ForceHolding Students’ Association ElectionsMonitoring School CurriculumImproving Teacher Training Programmes 
15.Recommendations (1) Cannot Wait Anymore516
Recommendations (2) Long Term Goals527
16.Annexures529-610

List of Annexures

Annexure No.TitlePg. No.
1.Press release issued by the Government-Information Dept.529
2.G.O.(Ms)No.152 School Education Dept. dt. 23.8.2023531
3.G.O.(Ms)No.40 School Education Dept. dt. 12.2.2024534
4.Note by Govt. of Kerala on Student Police Cadet (SPC) Project536
5.List of Respondents and their Categories with Code Numbers546
6.References598

15. Recommendations

15 (1) Cannot Wait Anymore

Hindus must consider whether the time has not come for them to recognize that there is nothing fixed, nothing eternal, nothing sanatan; that everything is changing, that change is the law of life for individuals as well as for society. In a changing society, there must be a constant revolution of old values; and the Hindus must realize that if there must be standards to measure the acts of men, there must also be a readiness to revise those standards.

-Dr.B.R.Ambedkar Ambedkar An Overview (p.404)

1.              Dropping the Caste Appellations:

  1. The government must issue an administrative order directing the removal of the names “Kallar Reclamation” and “Adi Dravidar Welfare” as prefixes from school names and must refer to them solely as “Government Schools”, followed by their place of location.
  2. The government must mandate the removal of any caste prefix or suffix associated with government schools that indicate either the donor or their family.
  3. If any educational agency seeks to establish a new school, the conditions for permission to start a school must include a stipulation that the school’s name shall not bear any caste appellation.
  4. In the case of existing private schools that have caste appellations, the department should request these schools to give up. If they fail to comply, appropriate legal steps should be considered, including legislative changes to serve the larger public interest.

2.              All Schools Under One Roof

  1. The policy decision made by the government to place all types of schools, including Kallar Reclamation Schools (Most Backward Classes Department), Adi Dravidar Schools (Adi Dravidar Welfare Department), and Tribal Schools (Tribal Welfare Department), under the unified control of the School Education Department should be implemented immediately.
  2. Before bringing schools under the unified control of the School Education Department, the issues concerning the service conditions of teachers in the aforementioned schools, including seniority, promotion, and pay fixation, should be resolved. If necessary, the government should appoint a committee of high-level government officers tasked with completing this within a stipulated timeframe.

3.              Teachers and Officers

  1. There must be a periodic transfer of high school and higher secondary school teachers.
  2. Regarding the posting of officers from the cadre of CEOs, DEOs, BEOs, and Headmasters of high schools and higher secondary schools, guidelines must be issued concerning the non-posting of persons belonging to the dominant caste of that area.
  3. Rules relating to Annual Confidential Reports (ACR) must be framed. The ACR for Officers and Headmasters must include a column to record their attitudes towards Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, with appropriate procedures for maintaining these records.
  4. A Code of Conduct for teachers and staff of all types of Schools, Colleges, and Universities run by the State must be prescribed statutorily.
  5. At the time of recruitment of teachers by the Teachers Recruitment Board (TRB), the aptitude of the teachers, as well as their attitude towards social justice issues, must be ascertained and taken into account for recruitment.
  6. Teachers and staff of all schools and colleges must undergo a compulsory orientation programme relating to social issues, caste discrimination, and the different laws pertaining to sexual violence, sexual harassment, drugs, ragging, and offences against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes before the start of every academic year. Also, they must be informed of the consequences of violating those laws.

4.              Teacher Training

  1. The syllabus for the B.Ed. degree, conceived by the Tamil Nadu Teacher Education University (TNTEU), as well as the syllabus for the Diploma in Elementary Education, evolved by the Tamil Nadu Board of State Council of Educational Research and Training (TNSCERT), must undergo a thorough revision to ensure orientation towards inclusivity.
  2. An expert committee of educators, along with a person who specializes in child pedagogy, must be constituted to review the syllabus prescribed for school students. The committee must provide suggestions for eliminating incorrect views and include content that will enhance social justice values, non-discriminatory attitudes, and concepts of equality.

5.              Curriculum Change

  1. The government must appoint a Social Justice Monitoring Committee comprising academicians and social activists to monitor the school students’ curriculum relating to social issues and suggest appropriate modifications, including the inclusion of topics based on social justice, equality, and non-discrimination based on caste, in a time-bound manner.
  2. The government must accept the Social Justice Monitoring Committee report and provide appropriate directions to alter, modify, and include lessons that enhance and enlighten school students on these issues.

6.              Seating arrangements in Classrooms

Seating arrangements of students in every classroom in all schools and colleges should be strictly based on alphabetical order. This is with the exception that if any physically challenged student is present, they may be accommodated in the front row irrespective of where their name falls in the alphabetical order.

7.              Caste Names to be Kept Confidential

  1. The students’ attendance register should not contain any column or details relating to their caste.
  2. At no point can the class teacher call out students by either directly or indirectly referring to their caste, nor make any derogatory remarks about the student’s caste or the so-called character attributed to the caste.
  3. Classrooms are not the forum for announcing details of communications received regarding the scholarships of any student. If such communications are received, the headmaster shall call the student to his room and privately furnish such information.Violating any of the above directives by the teachers should result in strict disciplinary action against them.
  4. The Committee recommends that while maintaining the caste status of a student as a record file in the school, access to such a record should be confined only to the Headmaster and other inspecting authorities visiting the school, ensuring that confidentiality is always maintained.

8.              Students

  1. A Code of Discipline for all students must be evolved by the government and strictly enforced within legal bounds.
  2. Students should be prohibited from wearing any coloured wristbands, rings, or forehead marks (Tilaka). They must also refrain from coming to school on bicycles painted with reference to their caste or exhibiting any caste-related sentiments. Failure to comply with these rules must result in appropriate action being taken, in addition to advising their parents or guardians.
  3. An orientation programme should be compulsorily given at the beginning of every academic year for all 6th to 12th standard students, facilitated by trained professionals and student educators.
  4. The State government and School Education Department should permit all schools and colleges in Tamil Nadu to have student associations in every institution, with leadership elected annually by allowing all students to vote in those elections.

9.              Mobile Phone Restriction

The State government and the School Education Department are justified in prohibiting the use of mobile phones by school students. It is crucial to strictly enforce banning the use of mobile phones by students on school campuses. This order should be applied not only to students of schools under the State Board but also to those in schools affiliated with the CBSE and other boards, such as ICSE, ensuring a consistent approach across all educational institutions.

10. Conducting Ara Neri Classes (அறெந௣ வgப்yகள் )

    1. Imparting Ara Neri (அறெந௣ வgப்yகள் ) must be made compulsory for all students from Class 6 to Class 12 in all types of schools.
2. Weekly, one period should be allocated for imparting Ara Neri. A qualified teacher should be designated to deliver this lecture on a rotational basis. Additionally, well-qualified external persons may also be invited to contribute to these lectures.

3. A proper guide should be prepared for the contents of Ara Neri to be imparted to students, including concepts of social justice, equality, and non-discrimination.

      11.          Appointment of Counsellors

      1. The government should appoint one trained counsellor for each Block, who will be required to attend all the secondary schools in that Block, including the schools run by the government, a local body, or private.
      2. The counsellor must visit each school monthly.
      3. After interacting with the students identified by the teachers and the Headmaster of the school, the counsellor will maintain a diary recording their observations and advice given.If the advice given requires further treatment, the counsellor will contact the parents and arrange for appropriate counselling by an expert.
      4. In case any student suffers from drug addiction, the counsellor will recommend the admission of that student to a de-addiction centre at the expense of the State and will monitor the student’s progress.

      12.          Appointment of School Welfare Officer (SWO)

      1. The state government must create a post of School Welfare Officer (SWO) for each secondary school with more than 500 students. In cases of co- education, there must be two SWOs, one of each sex.
      2. The SWOs must monitor the functioning of the school regarding issues of ragging, drug menace, sexual assault and offences related to caste discrimination and should address these issues in accordance with the law.
      3. The SWOs must be responsible for conducting orientation programmes on the aforementioned issues at the beginning of every academic year and should continuously monitor the school’s activities in this regard.In schools where the student population is below 500, the District Education Officer of that educational district will serve as the SWO for that particular school.The SWOs must directly report to a State-level Monitoring Committee constituted by the Director of School Education (DSE) in collaboration with the Director of School Education (Private Schools) (DSEPS).The qualifications for recruiting the SWOs should be prescribed by the state government, considering the requirements of their role.If complaints are levelled against members of the School Management Committee (SMC), including the local body members, the SWO can file a complaint before the State Commission for Protection of Child Rights (SCPCR).
      4. The SWO can also recommend action against teachers and other staff regarding caste discrimination and other unfair practices they may engage in.

      13.          Grievance Box:

      1. Instead of having multiple grievance boxes, a dedicated Grievance Box (known by any name, including மாணவர் மனæ)   should be installed, and the key should be kept with the School Welfare Officer (SWO) to be appointed.
      2. The grievance box shall be opened at least once a week, if not more frequently, and the grievances raised should be addressed promptly without any delay.
      3. The identity of the student should be kept confidential; under no circumstances should the student experience any trauma or agony.

      14.          Reservation

      The State must direct the reservation of seats in higher secondary classes to enable Scheduled Caste students to pursue higher education by choosing science subjects in the plus two course.

      15.          National Service Scheme (NSS)

      1. In schools, the National Service Scheme (NSS) must admit students from 9th to 12th standard.
      2. Accordingly, funding should be provided for the expanded activities.
      3. To plan the programmes for the NSS, the School Education Department can lay down guidelines regarding the posting of the Project Officer and the programmes that could be included in the voluntary service of the force.
      • Social Justice Students Force (SJSF) (ø $ மாணவர் )
      1. The Tamil Nadu Government must establish a student force called சøக நீ $ மாணவர் பைட (Social Justice Students Force) (SJSF), which will operate independently of the union government. The SJSF will consist of students from all communities, free from communal divisions, united in their efforts to combat social evils.
      2. The primary objective of creating the SJSF is to combat social evils and to participate in community-level programs organized by the government. Special care should be taken to include students from minority groups, women, Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes.
      3. The units of this force can be organized at the village level, encompassing all types of schools within that revenue village, and managed at every Block level.
      4. The SJSF should have a uniform and conduct regular drills and exercises, in addition to inculcating social values such as inclusivity, equality, and non-discrimination.
      5. A committee can be constituted by the government to plan and organize such a force, as well as to devise methods and means to raise funds for the force.

      17.          Block Level Food Kitchens

      1. Instead of having kitchens in every school, the government should establish central kitchens in every Block (Panchayat Unions), with adequate regular staff required for its operation and a distribution network attached to school noon meal centres.
      2. While recruiting staff for each Block, the government must follow the rules of Reservation.

      c.   The existing staff involved in the noon meal scheme can be utilized in the work related to Panchayats, Panchayat Unions, Municipalities and Corporations suitable to their qualification and age.

      d. Under no circumstances should the question of retrenching the existing noon meal staff occur unless some staff voluntarily decide to leave work.

      e. The Block-level food kitchens will also serve as support centers during times of disaster-related relief, such as heavy monsoons, floods, and epidemics.

      18.          Restriction on the Use of School Properties for Non-Educational Purposes

      The government must bring appropriate regulations applicable to all educational institutions, including private ones, that govern the use of school, college, and university properties for non-educational purposes. This includes the prohibition of using auditoriums, classrooms, playgrounds, or open spaces for activities such as mass drills, parades, or the propagation of communal or caste-related messages. Any violation of these regulations should be met with appropriate penalties.

      19.          Declaration of Areas as Caste Atrocities Prone and the Constitution of Special Intelligence Units

      1. The state government is well-advised to assess whether specific areas should be declared as caste atrocity-prone and to take precautionary and preventive measures in those areas.
      2. The State government can also constitute a Special Intelligence Unit to gather information on caste violence and identify persons or organizations involved in fomenting caste discrimination.
      3. An expert body or an agency can be appointed to investigate allegations of saffronization of education and activities that infiltrate educational institutions, hampering caste and communal harmony.

      20.            Government to take appropriate steps to address the issue at the societal level for communal harmony and caste eradication

      The Terms of Reference given to this Committee are confined to providing suggestions for framing guidelines to tackle caste differences in educational institutions. However, the issue of caste discrimination extends beyond student campuses and needs to be addressed at the societal level. Therefore, the government is advised to take appropriate steps to address this issue at the societal level for caste eradication and to foster communal harmony.

      15 (2) Long Term Goals

      1.    Special Legislation to enforce a policy of social inclusion and eradication of caste discrimination

      The State of Tamil Nadu must enact separate legislation governing all students from schools to higher educational institutions to enforce a policy of social inclusion and eradicate caste discrimination. This legislation should impose duties and responsibilities on students, teaching and non- teaching staff, as well as the management of such institutions, and prescribe mechanisms for supervision, control, and sanctions for non- compliance with these directives.

      2.    Enhance Local Bodies’ control over Primary Education

      1. The current limited role granted to local bodies in the school education system should be expanded to full control over primary education.
      2. Block-level administrations (Panchayat Unions) must have full control over schools, including appointing, posting, and removing staff.
      3. The laying down of guidelines relating to curriculum and standards and conducting board exams shall be managed by the Directorate of School Education and the state government.
      4. The government should formulate new legislation to grant true autonomous powers to local bodies, making education more people- oriented by amending the existing Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act of 1994.

      3.    Amend the Tamil Nadu Societies Registration Act, 1975, to prevent Caste Appellations in the Names of Educational Institutions

      The government must take steps to amend the existing Tamil Nadu Societies Registration Act, 1975, and insert a provision that a society intending to start an educational institution shall not include any caste appellations in their institution’s name.

      29.05.2024                                                                            Justice K Chandru

      CHENNAI                                                                             One Man Committee

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