Chhattisgarh: Adivasi organisation protesting militarisation and corporatisation in Bastar banned by state government

Adivasi Protest

The Bastar-based Moolvasi Bachao Manch (MBM), an umbrella organization of Adivasis representing 30 mass movements opposing the corporatization and militarization of the Bastar region in Chhattisgarh, has been banned by the state government.

The notification of the ban, which came to the attention of human rights defenders on Nov 18, states that under Section 3 of the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act (CSPSA), 2005, the state government has declared the Moolvasi Bachao Manch an unlawful organization for a period of one year, effective from Oct 30, 2024.

The order further mentions that the State Government has received information indicating that MBM has been persistently opposing development projects initiated by the Central and State Governments in Maoist-affected areas. This includes security force camps established to facilitate these development works, and the organization is accused of inciting the public against them.

Moreover, the government has accused the organization of disrupting public order and peace and posing a threat to the safety of citizens.

MBM had made headlines in 2021 by leading protests against the establishment of police camps in Silger, citing violations of the PESA Act, 1996, and the lack of Grama Sabha consent, which intensified after CRPF personnel killed four Adivasi villagers including a pregnant woman in firing on May 17, 2021.

The organisation has been vocal about the aerial bombing of Bastar, which, according to them, occurred five times. They have drawn media attention to alleged police excesses, killings of Adivasis including infant, and children in alleged fake encounters, rape, illegal detentions, arrests and especially the surge in violence against Adivasis since January 1, 2024.

23-year-old Raghu Midiam, a Gond Adivasi and President of the Moolvasi Bachao Manch, told the reporter that he only learned about the ban just 10 minutes before calling this reporter, through WhatsApp messages.

Slamming the ban, Raghu said, “The ban has been imposed in favor of corporations that want to loot our resources and land. We are going to challenge this ban through constitutional and democratic means, and further steps will be decided after discussions with other members.”

Speaking about the organisation, Raghu, who joined in 2021, added, “Moolvasi Bachao Manch is a democratic organization in Bastar aimed at safeguarding the interests of Adivasis, led by youth. Earlier, when Adivasis were targeted, most organizations protesting for us were based in cities, and no organization operated in the villages. That is why MBM was formed in Bastar.”

Dismissing allegations that MBM obstructs development, he said, “We are not against development. We are demanding basic infrastructure like Anganwadis, schools, and health facilities for Adivasis. We are struggling to save our forests, water, land, and resources, which are being sold to corporations. That is the only reason we are being targeted, defamed and red tagged as Maoists.”

Raghu accused the BJP state government’s forces of being twice as aggressive as before.

He said, “Villagers are living in constant fear; they are too scared even to roam within the village. There has been constant firing, killings of Adivasis, and even aerial bombings. Police are arresting innocent Adivasi villagers on false charges of rioting, arson, and under other draconian laws.”

He added, “700–800 Adivasis are in jail, and scores of activist leaders have been arrested so far. Around 300 people, including innocent Adivasi peasants, have been killed this year alone.”

“People who are highlighting these issues in Bastar, including human rights activists, are being arrested. In the last two days, around 10 Adivasis have been taken into custody.”

When 25-year-old Adivasi woman and Vice President of MBM, Suneeta Pottam, was arrested on June 3 by state police, UN Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor had demanded her release. A press release from the Chhattisgarh police accused her of being a key link in the urban network of the CPI (Maoist).

On April 2, the police arrested Surju Tekam, another member of the organisation under UAPA and CSPSA.

On November 8, six members of MBM—Arjun Soni, Muya Hemla, Nagesh Banse, Joga Midiyam, Gillu Katam, and Bhima Kunjam—were taken into custody and jailed. 

Criticizing the state of democracy in Bastar, he remarked, “The Constitution doesn’t matter here, and there is lawlessness everywhere. The government is violating democracy and human rights in Bastar. They are setting up police camps and terrorizing everyone. They are using bombs and guns to suppress dissent.”

Raghu alleged that local news channels have shown his photo negatively, demanding his arrest. 

Raghu, who was recently detained by the police on September 17 along with three youths—Sanjay, Sukka, and Nagesh—expressed his fear of being killed in a fake encounter.

Raghu told the reporter, “I fear that I will be killed in a fake encounter, and there is an active conspiracy by state to kill me. If they catch me alone, i will be killed; if they find me at a protest, I will be detained and then killed; and if I am found in a city, I will be killed.”

Human rights organisations and activists have raised serious concerns about the government’s stance on democratic movements in light of the ban. 

Criticising the ban of the organisation, Rinchin, an activist associated with PUCL Chhattisgarh, told the reporter, “This is a condemnable act of the government. MBM has been the voice of the people protesting against the excess of the security forces. Banning this organisation is another act of suppressing democratic protest and voices and restricting democratic spaces”.

She added, “For long they have been spreading misinformation about the organisation and have constantly targeted its young leaders. The government wants to shut down peaceful protest, while they are carrying on a carnage of Adivasis in the name of ending naxalism.”

Gandhian activist Himanshu Kumar too dismissed the allegations raised against MBM. 

He said, “Lot of Adivasis are part of this organisation which is only working overground through democratic means for the protection of land, forest and water. Accusing it as threat to public order will adversely affect whatever democratic space is left in Adivasi regions.” 

On the state violence on activists, Himanshu said, “Pro-Adivasi human rights defenders are heavily targeted in Chhattisgarh. Indira Kalyan Elesela IPS, had publicly stated that human rights activists should be run over by vehicles when he served as the SP of Narayanpur. This is a challenging situation, but we remain hopeful that together, we—the people of Bastar and the activists—will expose these atrocities and continue fighting against the brutalities of the corporate and police nexus.”

The Forum Against Corporatisation and Militarisation (FACAM), a Delhi-based organization that opposes state-corporate violence in Adivasi regions, claims that the government’s intention is to eliminate all obstacles to corporate exploitation, whether they are armed Maoists or unarmed Adivasi peasants organizing through mass movements.

Advocate Ehtmam-Ul-Haque, a member of FACAM, told this reporter, “The ban on MBM reflects the fascist nature of the BJP government led by Vishnu Deo Sai and Vijay Sharma in Chhattisgarh.”

He said, “The MBM activists lost family members during the genocidal Salwa Judum and Operation Green Hunt. These youths also recognize the importance of protecting the Jal-Jungle-Jameen to preserve Adivasi culture, identity, and existence itself. They are labeled as anti-development because they organize Adivasi peasants to resist corporate exploitation carried out under the threat of violence.” 

Criticizing the state’s arguments for the ban, Ehtmam said, “The argument that MBM is an anti-development organization for opposing paramilitary camps—which are supposedly meant to bring development—is deeply flawed and sinister. The so-called development brought by these camps and mining operations leads to displacement of Adivasi peasants, river pollution, barren agricultural lands, and an existential threat to Adivasi culture and way of life.”

Condemning the government’s development model, he remarked, “This so-called development, apart from causing displacement and destruction, has failed to deliver basic facilities like hospitals and schools to villages and small towns, even though wide roads now cut through forests and villages.”

He further questioned, “Isn’t this the development successive governments have promised? Wasn’t the lack of roads cited as the reason for backwardness in these regions for years? Yet, over the past five years, paramilitary camps have been aggressively built despite public opposition, under the guise of developing road networks in Bastar to facilitate progress.”


Ehtmam, who has visited Bastar for fact-finding investigations on aerial bombings, noted, “These roads primarily serve as pathways for government troops and trucks transporting mining minerals.”

He also questioned how the government could even be considered serious about engaging in peace talks with Maoists, given its ban on unarmed democratic organizations.

FACAM demanded that the government lift the ban on the Moolvasi Bachao Manch, release all of its arrested members, and engage in talks with the organization to address their demands.

Rejaz M Sheeba Sydeek is an independent journalist based in Keralam.

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