Boris Kagarlitsky, the imprisoned Russian sociologist and prominent leftist voice, has long been known for his incisive critiques of the state and firm support for social movements. On November 14, from behind bars, Kagarlitsky made a resolute public appeal: he did not wish to be included in any potential prisoner exchange for his release. A testament to his courage of conviction.
Kagarlitsky’s ordeal began on July 25, 2023, when he was abruptly arrested and transported over 1,000 kilometres from Moscow to Syktyvkar in the Komi Republic. Accused of “justifying terrorism” due to comments made online critical of Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, he was initially fined ₽ 600,000 (roubles) in December 2023. However, in a stark knockback, this sentence was replaced in February 2024 with five years in a prison colony.
The Russian Supreme Court upheld this harsh sentence in June 2024, despite widespread international condemnation from activists, academics, and public figures such as Jean-Luc Mélenchon, Alex Callinicos, Jeremy Corbyn, and Slavoj Žižek. Critics argue that these charges are part of a broader crackdown on dissenting voices, especially those opposing Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine. The decision to replace the fine with imprisonment, based on flimsy legal grounds, is seen as a deliberate attempt to suppress free expression and silence one of Russia’s most outspoken intellectuals. Despite facing years of incarceration, Kagarlitsky remains resolute, refusing any deals or exchanges, standing by his principles even behind bars.
Kagarlitsky, currently detained in a Russian penal colony, issued a statement on November 14 rejecting any possibility of being part of a prisoner exchange deal. Emphasizing his commitment to staying in Russia, he clarified that he has no intention of emigrating, even if it means long-term imprisonment. For Kagarlitsky, incarceration is simply a professional risk for a leftist intellectual in Russia. He said: “From ancient times, exile from the state has been one form of political repression against citizens unwanted by the authorities, and if we are fighting for freedom, such repression—though softer in form—should also be condemned by us. Political prisoners deserve unconditional release. For all. And to stay here, at home.”
He criticized the notion of selective prisoner exchanges, arguing that they divert attention from the broader goal of securing the release of all political prisoners. Kagarlitsky warned that treating political detainees as exchangeable assets only incentivizes authoritarian regimes globally to increase their arrests. Instead, he called for efforts to make political repression too costly for any state, stressing the need for a collective struggle against all forms of political oppression.
While acknowledging that some prisoners may see exchanges as their only route to freedom, Kagarlitsky urged that only those willing to leave the country should be included in such lists. Ultimately, he reaffirmed that the goal should be the unconditional freedom and rights of all, not just for the prominent few, but for every individual facing repression.
In today’s Russia, where dissent is increasingly stifled, Boris Kagarlitsky stands out as a committed figure in the intellectual and political environs. His recent refusal to be part of a prisoner exchange reflects his strong commitment to his homeland, even if it means facing incarceration. This isn’t the first time Kagarlitsky has been targeted for his views. Back in 1982, during the Soviet era, he was imprisoned for his involvement with a group of young socialists critical of bureaucratic repression. Yet, even that did not deter him from engaging in political activism during Gorbachev’s perestroika, a period that opened up spaces for dialogue and reform.
Over the past three decades, Kagarlitsky has faced the turbulent times of Russian politics with resilience. He has authored numerous works that critically examine social and political structures, contributing significantly to leftist thought. His intellectual journey, which began with theatre criticism, quickly took a political turn, leading to his expulsion from university in 1980 and subsequent arrests.
Despite repeated state repression, Kagarlitsky continued to play a crucial role in various political and academic arenas. He served as a professor at the Moscow School for Social and Economic Sciences and led the left-wing publication Rabkor. His activism persisted even through the Yeltsin era, where he faced another arrest during the 1993 constitutional crisis, only to be released following international outcry.
Kagarlitsky’s contributions extend beyond Russia; he has collaborated with organizations like the Institute of Globalization Studies and Social Movements and the Transnational Institute. His work, rooted in the belief that intellectual freedom and social justice are inseparable, has made him a respected, if often persecuted, voice in both national and international circles. His firm refusal to flee Russia, even when faced with imprisonment, shows a lifelong commitment to challenging authoritarianism and advocating for political and social change from within.
Earlier Kagarlitsky’s seminal work, Thinking Reed, earned him the esteemed Isaac Deutscher Prize, firmly establishing him in international intellectual circles. He expanded his influence further with notable publications like Dialectics of Change and A Farewell to Perestroika, initially written in English and subsequently translated into Japanese and Turkish. His reach extended to a broader audience with works such as Square Wheels, which enjoyed significant readership. Later, he assumed a significant academic role as a professor at the Moscow School for Social and Economic Sciences, where he engaged students and scholars alike with his profound insights.
Kagarlitsky’s commitment to activism, however, has not been without personal sacrifices. His consistent defiance of authoritarian measures has led to a series of untimely arrests and mounting legal penalties. His dedication to democratic principles pushed him to organize protests in 2020 against constitutional amendments that would enable President Putin to remain in power for an extended fifth term. In 2021, he used social media platforms to mobilize support against alleged voter fraud, actions that inevitably drew the ire of the authorities, resulting in further legal repercussions.
In 2022, Kagarlitsky encountered yet another formidable challenge when he was designated a ‘foreign agent,’ a label fraught with severe legal implications that curtailed his freedom of expression. This was directly linked to his forthright condemnation of Russia’s war on Ukraine—a stance that had earned him the authorities’ wrath. Despite these adversities, Kagarlitsky demonstrated remarkable resilience. He chose to remain in Russia, firmly refusing both exile and silence. His determination to continue his advocacy amidst growing pressure is a testament to his deep-seated convictions.
Kagarlitsky’s extensive body of work has played an influential role in shaping the intellectual development of new generations of young Russian communists and leftists. His scholarly output stands as a formidable counterweight to the lingering influence of late-Soviet, Stalinist interpretations of Marxism. Yet, his commitment transcends his written works; he has consistently extended his intellectual support to fellow activists, offering his expertise in various contexts. He remained a stalwart presence at left-wing conferences, engaging dynamically in debates and discussions that resonated with his ideological leanings.
On March 21, 2023, Kagarlitsky articulated a critical analysis of the Ukraine conflict, emphasizing that while he had long critiqued Western policies and media narratives regarding Ukraine, the war had pushed both Ukraine and Russia into new, perilous territory. He asserted that Russia had transitioned from moderate authoritarianism to an increasingly totalitarian state. Kagarlitsky cautioned against conflating Ukrainian domestic issues with the broader context of the war, noting that while Ukraine’s policies—such as language laws and actions in Donbas—were contentious, they did not justify Russia’s aggressive invasion. The Kremlin’s rationale, he argued, was a facade, masking the regime’s desperate attempts to maintain internal support amid social and economic crises.
Drawing a historical parallel, he likened Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to Hitler’s invasion of Poland, where ethnic grievances were mere pretexts for expansionist aims. Kagarlitsky argued that the Kremlin’s motivations were primarily domestic: a bid to rally support through a manufactured patriotic fervour as societal discontent grew. The war, far from achieving its intended objectives, has instead entrenched radical nationalism as the Kremlin’s core ideology, threatening not only Ukraine but also the integrity of Russian society itself. According to Kagarlitsky, a Russian military defeat is essential to counter the reactionary forces eroding education, rights, and freedoms within Russia.
During a December 2022 interview with Democracy Now, Amy Goodman asked Kagarlitsky if he feared for his safety while still speaking out from Moscow. He responded stoically, “Not more than anybody else in Russia these days,” emphasizing that the government’s labelling of him as a ‘foreign agent’ was absurd, given they never specified which foreign country he supposedly served. Reflecting on his past incarcerations, he remained undeterred, having witnessed the ebb and flow of political repression over the years.
Alex Callinicos, a prominent leftist theorist, lauded Kagarlitsky’s intellectual prowess, noting his fluency, wit, and steady commitment to anti-capitalist ideals. Despite occasional disagreements on political strategy, Callinicos acknowledged Kagarlitsky’s adherence to the principles of Jean Jaurès, who saw reform and revolution as complementary forces. Kagarlitsky’s brand of radical reformism aims for irreversible changes to the capitalist system, although the neoliberal era has proven that no reform is truly permanent. Yet, his steadfast resistance against what he terms the “new barbarism” of contemporary capitalism has positioned him as a key figure in global leftist movements.
However, Callinicos critically noted that Kagarlitsky’s opposition to Western imperialism has, at times, led him to align with reactionary forces. For instance, in 2014, Kagarlitsky’s support for pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine was seen as a misstep. Yet, since the February 2022 invasion, Kagarlitsky has been a vocal critic of the Kremlin’s actions, seeing them as attempts to bolster a crumbling regime.
Kagarlitsky’s approachability and willingness to engage in dialogue have made him a cherished figure in left-wing circles. Since 2008, through his work as founder and editor of Rabkor, an influential online journal and YouTube channel, he provided a crucial platform for leftist discourse in Russia. His writings continued to shape the political conversation, challenging the state’s narrative.
Critics argue that the charges against him, supposedly emerging from a single Telegram post about the Ukrainian attack on the Crimean Bridge, are baseless. This incident revealed how law enforcement often relies on flimsy justifications to stifle dissent. In response, a coalition of left-wing groups has mobilized a global campaign for Kagarlitsky’s release, organizing public meetings, distributing materials, and raising international awareness.
In a recent interview with Rabkor, Boris Kagarlitsky discusses the implications of the US elections on global conflicts, particularly in Gaza and Ukraine, and assesses the potential for a new world war. He highlights a shift in US bipartisan support for Israel, noting growing dissent among both Democrats and Republicans, partly driven by public opinion against Israel’s policies. While Trump attempts to win Jewish voters with pro-Israel rhetoric, Kagarlitsky argues that US support for Israel is likely to diminish unless significant changes occur in Israel’s own approach. He also addresses the illusion among Russian elites that Trump’s return to power would solve Russia’s challenges, particularly in Ukraine. However, he suggests that Trump’s anti-China obsession could push Russia into a precarious alliance, which would be economically disastrous for Moscow given its dependence on China. Kagarlitsky contends that superficial reforms could appease Western powers more effectively than aligning with Trump’s unpredictable policies.
Kagarlitsky further explores the global economic and political landscape, drawing parallels with pre-World War I tensions. However, he notes key differences: today’s conflicts are fragmented, driven by regional powers seeking to involve superpowers like the US and China in their struggles. He argues that China, unlike Western powers, is focused on economic interests rather than global hegemony, making a new world war unlikely. Instead, he predicts a proliferation of smaller regional conflicts exacerbated by internal crises within countries like Russia and Israel, where leaders, such as Netanyahu and Putin, rely on perpetual conflict to sustain power. Kagarlitsky concludes that while these localized wars may inflict significant damage, they lack the cohesion and geopolitical objectives necessary for a global war. He remains cautiously optimistic that, eventually, these conflicts will give way to peace, driven by the realization that endless wars are unsustainable.
Last year, writing from prison, Kagarlitsky reflected: “(His) arrest signifies the political impact of my statements. Though I would have preferred recognition in another form, patience is a virtue honed over the past 40 years.” Invoking Shakespeare, he remained hopeful despite the dire circumstances, thinking that the “The night is long that never finds the day.” A global solidarity movement continues to press for his release, with protests being held in cities worldwide, showing his continuing influence and the ongoing fight for justice.
K.M. Seethi is Director, Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE), Mahatma Gandhi University (MGU), Kerala. He also served as ICSSR Senior Fellow, Senior Professor of International Relations and Dean of Social Sciences at MGU.
Originally published in Eurasia Review
