Today is Vakkom Moulavi’s 151st Birth Anniversary
Vakkom Moulavi (1873–1932), a visionary social reformer and intellectual from Kerala, engaged deeply with both local and global issues during the early twentieth century. Known primarily for his efforts to reform the Muslim community in Kerala, Moulavi’s influence extended far beyond regional boundaries. His sharp observations on international affairs, particularly the evolving war situation in Europe, the Palestine question etc., reflected a profound understanding of the socio-political transformations taking place across the Ottoman Empire, Europe, and Asia.
At a time when the fate of Jerusalem (Baitul Muqaddas) was becoming a matter of increasing global contention, Moulavi came out with a writing, articulating the concerns of the broader Arab world. In the eighth issue of his journal Muslim (1913), Moulavi published an article titled “Baitul Muqaddas and Jews,” which discussed the aspirations of Zionist factions and the unfolding geopolitical struggle over Palestine. His reflections predated the Balfour Declaration of 1917 by three years, highlighting his ability to anticipate political developments that would later reshape the region.
In fully appreciating the significance of Moulavi’s insights, it is essential to situate his work within the broader historical context of the late Ottoman period, when Palestine’s future became increasingly precarious.
Ottoman-Zionist Relations and Arab Fears
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Zionist leaders, most notably Theodor Herzl, actively pursued agreements with the Ottoman Sultan, Abdul Hamid II, seeking permission for large-scale Jewish immigration and settlement in Palestine. Herzl’s proposals included offers of financial assistance and political support in exchange for a Jewish homeland. However, despite these persistent overtures, Sultan Abdul Hamid consistently rejected such proposals, emphasising Palestine’s sacred status. The Sultan’s refusal to sell land or accommodate Zionist aspirations was grounded in the belief that Palestine was not merely Ottoman territory but a trust of the Muslim world.
This resistance translated into concrete policies. The Ottoman administration issued a series of decrees limiting Jewish immigration and land acquisition, reflecting an acute awareness of Zionist connections to European imperial powers. The Ottomans feared that increased Jewish settlement, often backed by British and French interests, could undermine their sovereignty in Palestine.
However, despite these restrictions, European powers frequently intervened, invoking capitulatory rights to challenge the enforcement of anti-Zionist policies. This interference allowed Zionist organizations to bypass Ottoman regulations, fuelling Arab suspicions that a secret agreement between the Ottomans and Zionists might eventually emerge. These anxieties were exacerbated by the complexities of Ottoman administration, which sometimes permitted Zionist land purchases through intermediaries.
The Young Turks and Continued Resistance
Following the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, which resulted in the deposition of Abdul Hamid II, Arab apprehensions intensified. The revolution ushered in the rule of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), a political faction known for its modernization agenda. While some Arab leaders feared that the Young Turks might pursue a more lenient policy towards Zionist settlements, the historical record indicates that Ottoman resistance to Zionist ambitions persisted even after the shift in leadership.
By the early twentieth century, as the competition among European powers over the Middle East increased, Zionist lobbying intensified. Nevertheless, the Ottomans continued to reject large-scale Zionist colonization efforts, maintaining their opposition until the empire’s dissolution after World War I.
Moulavi’s Reflections on Palestine and Ottoman Vulnerabilities
Vakkom Moulavi’s writings must be understood against this backdrop of imperial decline, rising Zionism, and European encroachment. His article reflects his critical awareness of the strategic manoeuvring by Zionist leaders and their efforts to secure Palestine under the protection of European powers. Moulavi recognized that Zionist aspirations could only materialize if Palestine were wrested from Arab control and placed under the dominion of a colonial force.
Moulavi’s analysis revealed his concern that the Ottomans’ complacency and internal weaknesses made Palestine vulnerable to external manipulation. While Sultan Abdul Hamid had resisted Zionist efforts, Moulavi worried that the Ittihadists (CUP), driven by political expediency, might adopt a more pragmatic stance to secure Jewish support or economic benefits. He reflected on the anxiety circulating among Arab and Muslim communities that Turkey might compromise, allowing Zionists to establish sovereignty over parts of Palestine as a counterbalance to Arab dissent.
Moulavi’s observations echoed the warnings issued by Sayyid Rashid Rida (1865–1935), the prominent Islamic scholar and editor of Al-Manar. Rida, like Moulavi, cautioned that the growing influence of Zionism, coupled with British colonial ambitions, posed a severe threat to Muslim control over Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa Mosque. In response, Rida advocated two potential courses of action for the Arabs of Palestine – to negotiate with Jewish leaders and secure mutually beneficial terms, or to unite and resist Zionist encroachment by all available means.
Jerusalem as a Symbol of Unity and Resistance
For Vakkom Moulavi, the sanctity of Jerusalem extended beyond mere political considerations. His reflections emphasized the profound significance of Jerusalem as a shared symbol of faith for Muslims, Christians, and Jews. While acknowledging the inevitability of competing claims over the city, Moulavi viewed its status under Muslim stewardship as evidence of the resilience and continuity of Islamic civilization.
However, Moulavi cautioned that this stewardship was not guaranteed. He observed that Jewish aspirations for Jerusalem extended beyond religious devotion, reflecting broader ambitions to establish political sovereignty and secure a permanent foothold in the region. This understanding shaped his consistent warnings about the evolving situation in Palestine.
Years later, Moulavi published a note on the issue in Deepika (vol. 1, no. 6), his last journal, where he addressed the significance of an agreement concerning the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem. The context was this. On May 19, 1931, an Order in Council was issued in the name of King George V, serving as primary legislation for Palestine. This decree was in line with a resolution passed by the League of Nations on January 14, 1930, aimed at resolving the longstanding disputes between Jewish and Muslim communities over access and rights to the Wailing Wall.
Following the resolution, a commission was appointed to investigate the matter, ultimately affirming that the Wailing Wall remained under full Muslim ownership as part of the Al-Haram al-Sharif compound. However, the order also safeguarded the rights of Jewish worshippers, allowing access to the Wall for prayer under carefully regulated conditions designed to respect the religious sensitivities of both communities.
Moulavi’s note on the agreement highlighted the importance of mutual understanding and cooperation in addressing such delicate matters concerning the Holy Land. His reflections drew attention to the necessity of diplomatic solutions to preserve peace and protect the spiritual significance of Jerusalem for all faiths.
Moulavi’s prescient insights into the future of Palestine, expressed at a time when Zionist political influence in the region was still limited, reveal his extraordinary ability to foresee the geopolitical shifts that would eventually culminate in the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. His writings serve as a reminder of the complexities surrounding Jerusalem and the need for continued dialogue to address its contested legacy.
More than nine decades after Vakkom Moulavi’s passing, the Palestine question remains an unresolved tragedy, its flames kept alive by cycles of violence and displacement. The people of the Holy Land—once custodians of a shared heritage—find themselves uprooted, scattered across borders, their lives shaped by exile and dispossession. Israel, now one of the most militarized states in the world, has pursued relentless territorial expansion and colonisation, unleashing waves of destruction that echo far beyond the confines of Palestine.
The fate of Jerusalem has grown ever more entangled. What the United Nations once envisioned as an international zone of peace and neutrality has become the seat of power, with Israel declaring it as its capital. This unilateral shift has intensified tensions, further estranging the city from the aspirations of those who see it as a sacred space for all faiths. Meanwhile, the people of Gaza undergo atrocities of unimaginable scale, their suffering mounting under the weight of bombardments and military incursions that bear the hallmarks of genocidal violence.
Vakkom Moulavi’s vision of Baitul Muqaddas as a sanctuary for all faiths—a city of coexistence and shared reverence—remains elusive, a fragile dream eclipsed by the harsh realities of war and occupation. His call for unity and justice, though distant, continues to reverberate as a reminder that the soul of Jerusalem belongs not to one people alone, but to the shared hopes and prayers of many.
K.M. Seethi is Director, Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE), Mahatma Gandhi University (MGU), Kerala, India. He is also the editor of Journal of State and Society. Earlier Seethi served as Senior Professor of International Relations and Dean of Social Sciences at MGU.
