Thousands of Dalits gathered on a (farm)land in three villages of Punjab’s Sangrur district on Friday, 28th February, to light chiraags and claim their right over the land. The protest took place under the leadership of the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee (ZPSC), a left-wing organization that has been advocating for agricultural land rights for Dalits and landless non-Dalits in the Malwa region of Punjab since 2014. It was a historic day, as protesters issued a warning to the land’s current contractor to vacate the space by the next cropping season. They declared that agitating Dalits would take control of the land, sow, and reap the next crop. This marked a historic Kabza—a forceful occupation of land—as Dalits reclaimed agricultural land, celebrating their assertion by dancing to the beats of the dhol. They vowed to transform this BeChiraag (lightless) land into Begumpura – of Guru Ravidas – by lighting chiraags.
Approximately five kilometers from Sangrur city, mainly in Kammomajra village, the controversial 927-acre land was once owned by the Maharaja of the Jind princely state. Now this land is in name of ‘Sarkaarwala’?. Around 300 acres have since been designated as a wildlife sanctuary, while the remaining land is used for agricultural activities, primarily wheat and paddy cultivation. Protesters claimed that while the Maharaja was the de facto owner, a few thekedars (contractors) ran the entire business. These thekedars and ‘owners’ included relatives of Akali Dal leader and former minister Bikramjit Singh Majithia, as well as relatives of former Chief Minister of Punjab and BJP leader Capt. Amarinder Singh. The thekedars managed the production system, pay rent to the Maharaja, and leased the land to cultivators. Recently, the last known protector of the land from the Jind Maharaja family passed away without any direct heirs. Upon learning this, ZPSC activists mobilized the masses, culminating in the historic occupation of the land on 28th February.
ZPSC has been actively working in the Malwa region, particularly in Sangrur, Patiala, and Mansa districts, to secure land rights for Dalits in village common lands. According to the Punjab Village Common Lands (Regulation) Act of 1961, one-third of a village’s panchayat land was reserved for its Scheduled Caste population. However, this provision remained unimplemented until 2014. When ZPSC activists first began agitating for this right, they paid a heavy price. One of the most tragic incidents was the brutal murder of Mata Gurdev Kaur from Jaloor village of Sangrur, who was beaten to death for demanding Dalits’ right to common land. Despite facing violence from upper-caste Jatt landlords, discriminatory administrative actions, social boycotts, police repression, and numerous other challenges, ZPSC has successfully secured land rights in more than 100 villages over the past decade.
On 28th September 2023, ZPSC expanded its mission by demanding the effective implementation of the Punjab Land Reforms Act of 1972, popularly known as ceiling act, which limits individual ownership of agricultural land to 17 acres. ZPSC activists and villagers were well aware that many individuals owned land far beyond this legal limit. Their goal was redistributive justice—to ensure that excess land was distributed among landless agricultural workers. Interestingly, ZPSC’s approach was not limited to landless Dalits but also included landless non-Dalits, including small, marginal and landless peasantry of Jatts. This reinforced the class character of the movement while simultaneously addressing the expressions of caste dynamics. The massive gathering on Friday was the result of months of preparation by ZPSC activists, marking a shift in focus from government land to private land—transitioning from Kanshiram’s slogan, “Jo jameen sarkaari hai, wo jameen hamari hai” (The government land is ours), to a broader idea of redistributive justice – of claims of private land as well.
On Friday, as the protesters approached the land—walking approximately one kilometer from the main road—they found the gate to the farm locked. Undeterred, they broke through the gate and entered the farm. Some climbed onto the rooftop of the room on the farm and lit chiraags there as well. Punjabi media journalists followed suit, capturing historic visuals. However, notably, hardly any journalists from national daily newspapers or Noida-based media houses were present.
“We will sow the next crop,” was the bold declaration made by ZPSC activists in front of thousands of Dalit men and women, police and intelligence forces, and, most importantly, the current stakeholders of the land. Currently, the wheat crop is in its final growth phase and will be ready for harvest within a month. The thekedars were deeply concerned that the protesters might damage the standing crop. However, under ZPSC’s disciplined leadership, the mass gathering merely arrived to light chiraags and left after a celebratory event.
It is crucial to understand the emotions and aspirations of the protesters who came to light the chiraags. They were filled with emotions, assertion, and hope—the hope that they would cultivate this land with dignity. Their emotions were deeply tied to the very idea of land, the khet where they had spent their entire lives, yet had never been allowed to own. Their assertion was evident in their protest and in their very being—Dalits, too, could stake a kabza in their struggle for a just society. And their hope was for a better tomorrow. Some even brought their young children, wanting them to witness this historic day, believing that the future would not be as dark as the present they were enduring.
ZPSC President Mukesh Malaudh highlighted that there are approximately 153 BeChiraag villages in Punjab—nameless settlements where land is controlled by big landlords. He pointed out that, despite belonging to the working class, millions of Dalits do not own homes, while landlords occupy hundreds of acres of land.
Dr. Jatinder Singh, a former faculty member of Political Science at Punjabi University, Patiala, also joined the protest attended the gathering and called it historic. He emphasized that this movement was not merely about a piece of land but represented a broader assertion of Dalits’ claim over Punjab as the worldviews of only upper caste Punjabis has been termed as the reality of Punjab. He linked the struggle to the politics of space and spatiality, which continue to discriminate against Dalits even 75 years after independence.
One of the most striking moments of the protest was the creativity displayed by ordinary protesters in lighting the chiraags. They brought homemade diyaas (lamps), ranging from 3 inches to 2 feet in size. These lamps were placed strategically across the farmland—on the motor, inside rooms, at the borewell, in the fields, along the khahl (smallest waterway – from motor to the crops), and at random locations. Some diyaas were beautifully decorated with slogans like “Laal Salaam” (Red Salute), while others bore tiny red flags with “ZPSC” inscribed on them. Some were filled with ghee, collectively gathered by the community. The siri—bonded laborers working on the controversial land—were so moved by the protesters’ energy that they too began dancing. The highest expression of joy was witnessed when women activists placed diyaas at the motor. One woman declared, “Es motor te hi baithya karna hun assi” (We will now sit at this very spot), symbolizing their claim over the space which is highly masculine in agrarian Punjab. This marked a milestone in Punjab’s agrarian history—an assertion of land rights without the backing of a national-level movement.
Probably, this gathering was more of a symbolic, the police had deployed a small force at the Bhawanigarh bypass, likely to prevent protesters from moving toward Sangrur—where Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann’s house is just meters away. However, police presence along the kabza route was minimal. Similarly, the behavior of the thekedars shows that they were also not so confident about defending the claims made by Dalits, however they are just thekedars who just collect the rent and pay to the landlord. In fact, as mentioned earlier, one thekedar even thanked the protesters for not damaging the standing wheat crop.
The Deputy Commissioner of Sangrur has stated that land possession cannot be claimed in this manner and that legal action will be taken after proper investigation. Now, the focus shifts to the upcoming cropping season. On one hand, Dalits have made a bold claim that they will sow the next crop. However, history has shown that ZPSC’s path has never been easy. There are still dozens of FIRs filed against ZPSC activists, many allegedly in false cases. Meanwhile, the administration, Jatt landlords, Maharaja’s associates, and the feudal peasantry are unlikely to relinquish control without resistance. This movement has the potential to escalate into larger struggles.
Speaking with ordinary protesters from Sangrur villages, many pointed out that their own villages also contain excess land, indicating a growing consciousness within the movement and its potential to spread further. This also reflects that the coming years in agrarian and rural Punjab will be eventful, as ZPSC and Dalits have begun asserting claims over non-government land as well—an uncomfortable development for a significant portion of society. The movement will likely trigger socio-political shifts in Punjab, where issues such as land redistribution, caste annihilation, and women’s liberation remain largely unheard and, consequently, unresolved.
Harinder S Happy, a PhD student at Jawaharlal Nehru University, has been researching and documenting the activities of ZPSC since 2018. He was also present at the specified locations on February 28, 2025. Harinder can be reached at [email protected].
