I
In India, the ‘left politics’ assumes significance in the context of neoliberal globalisation and the political ascendancy of the Hindu far-right. Here the left politics does not mean politics within the framework of the communist parties rather a grand coalition of like-minded social forces stands for social mobilisation against neoliberal exploitation and Hindutva neo-fascism. Both Hindutva and neoliberalism maintain mutually constitutive relations, and the former provides a secure environment for the legitimate accumulation of capital. Neoliberalism safeguards the economic interests of the propertied class, while the Hindutva relentlessly tries to establish the upper-caste Brahminical hegemony. Therefore, both the movements, neoliberalism and Hindutva, safeguarded the interests of the upper caste/upper-class sections in the society, and jeopardised the socio-political gains of the subalterns achieved through the social movements from below.
In parallel with the neoliberalisation of the society and polity, the Hindu far-right politically asserted in India, and used the political majority in the Parliament for smoothen capital accumulation on the one hand and to superimpose the Hindutva agenda on the other. Even though the history of the Hindutva movement goes back to the early 1920s, the movement inspired by fascism in Europe, it gained a new impetus during the 1980s with the ascendancy of neoliberal ideas in global politics. Both the movements strengthened the authoritarian structures in the Indian society. The political assertion of Hindutva neo-fascists paved the way for a systematic attack on the secular foundations of Indian society, erased synthetic cultural traditions, and ultimately challenged the very idea of India. Evidently, the whole lot of controversial social mobilisations and political legislations such as the Rama Janma Bhoomi movement, the demolition of Babri Masjid and construction of Rama temple on the demolished site, abrogation of Article 370 and 35 (A), Citizenship Amendment Act and National Register of Citizens, mobilisations for imposing a Uniform Civil Code – were an onslaught on the pluralistic cultural fabric of India. Thus, the Hindutva movement is a serious threat to the very ‘idea of India,’ therefore the political front against Hindutva neo-fascism was named as INDIA coalition.
During the 1990s, the people were fascinated by the chauvinistic Hindutva nationalism and military jingoism perpetuated by the RSS (a proto-fascist organisation intellectually controlling the Hindu far-right movements) through the Sangh Parivar organisations. A whole lot of developments deviated people’s attention from the ruling class’s massive attack on the Indian economy. The economic issues were overwhelmed by the cultural issues. The Hindutva mobilisations through the Sangh Parivar organisations helped the BJP to bag more seats both at the centre and the states. Since onwards the Sangh has been used the political majority in the Parliament to impose their cultural agenda. Simultaneously, there were movements against the Hindutva neo-fascism and predatory economic globalisation. The farmers’ movement to a greater extent challenged the centralised power apparatus of the Hindu far-right regime. The movement was supported by the liberal-left forces, and questioned the pro-corporate policies of the BJP-led NDA government in the primary sector. Also, there were issue-based movements at the bottom of the society upholding the values of plurality and democracy; however, to counter the movement such as the neoliberal-Hindutva necessitates a more inclusive platform. On the political front, the INDIA coalition with the leadership of the Indian National Congress seems to be a progressive step, however, it has not yet raised to the status of a mass movement having an alternative agenda about the future of India. The unexpected electoral fall of the BJP in the 2024 Parliament election, from the expected 400 seats to 240 seats vitalised the relevance of strengthening the ‘left politics’. The INDIA coalition succeeded in at least limiting the political reach of the Hindu far-right. If the protagonists of INDIA political coalition succeeded in extending the endeavour to the status of a mass movement, accommodating diverse voices with an alternative vision of the future of India, Indian democracy has some scope.
II
Since 2014 the BJP succeeded in politically marketing the cult image of Narendra Modi, and the electoral debacle of the BJP in 2024 was a testimony for the descending image of ‘56 inch chested neoliberal man’. The rise of Modi from Gujarat to national politics was geared up by two specific developments: 1) the post-Godhra communal riots and ethnic cleansing reinvigorated the hard-core Hindutva elements, who expected Modi to be the apt leader capable of constructing Ram Mandir and transforming India into Hindurashtra; 2) Modi’s unconditional support to the Corporates and the capacity to quell the dissent voices fascinated the ruling class. Therefore, Modi got support from both the corporates and the hard-core Hindutva elements, and the ‘Gujarat Model’, a pakka neoliberal model, got national attention. The Corporate media gave Modi the image of Vikaspurush (Development Man) which helped him to get attention in national politics without much effort, and Modi became the unquestionable leader among the Sangh rank and file and became a loyal friend of the ruling class.
With the rise of Narendra Modi from Gujarat to national politics, simultaneously, Modi succeeded in extending the Gujarat Model to the national level. Christophe Jaffrelot (2024) summarised the Gujarat Model- a combination of de-institutionalised and politicised rule of law, communal polarisation, and facilitation of crony capitalist endeavours. It was an open violence against the democratic ethos of the country, and a totalising enterprise capable of erasing the remaining secular spaces. The military state, civil society synergy orchestrated through the Sangh Parivar organisations created a deeper state featured by total surveillance and vigilantism. The rise of militarism and far-right national security doctrines silenced the society, and descent voices were systematically suppressed by the military state apparatus and Sangh vigilantes in the society. Thus, it demarcated the rise of neo-fascism in India.
Since Modi came into power as the Prime Minister of India in 2014, there has been a concerted effort to centralise governmental power through various initiatives and campaigns such as ‘One India one Election’, ‘One India one Pension’, reinvigoration of Uniform Civil Code, centralised Goods and Services Tax (GST), discriminatory citizenship laws, abrogation of Article 370, Demonetisation of 2016, centralised educational reforms, etc. Notably, all the above-mentioned legislations and reforms were an onslaught on the federal principles of the Indian political system and the pluralistic cultural fabric of India. The initiatives for centralisation clearly reflect the inner core of Hindutva (ideology of political Hinduism) which cherish the values of centralisation and homogenisation. This was indeed a transition of India into fascism. Moreover, Hindutva’s embeddedness to fascism explicitly came out as policy decisions under the Modi regime, and notably, fascism in India works within the framework of liberal democracy, gradually erasing all the remnants of democratic spaces. Therefore, the convergence of Hindutva and neoliberal capitalism paved the way for the neo-fascist restructuring of the Indian society and polity.
The neoliberal development in India created a huge gap between the rich and the poor. The political gimmick of the Sangh was not up to the mark to divert people’s attention from the grave issues. The cult image of Modi was overshadowed by the images of Rahul Gandhi, who got people’s attention through the Bharat Jodo Yatra, and Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, two nation-wide campaigns that addressed the burning issues confronted by the people under the Modi Raj. The Congress’s call for the ‘socio-economic-caste census’, a nightmare for the Hindu far-right, was indeed a bold step. Rahul’s open support of the farmer’s movement was also registered in the minds of the masses. Even though the corporate media supported Modi, to a greater extent the secular parallel media hubs supported Rahul Gandhi. In short, the resurgence of Congress in the previous parliament election shows positive signs from the Indian populace. Therefore, the liberal-left forces in India should get ready for a second independence struggle to liberate the nation from the neo-fascist menace.
P.M. Joshy teaches Political Science under the University of Kerala, India
Reference
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2024): Gujarat under Modi: The Blueprint for Today’s India, UK: C. Hurst & Co.
