The present article is neither to oppose punishing criminals and lawbreakers nor to hold sympathy for any gang or organization engaged in criminal activities. In fact, dismantling criminal syndicates through the strict and efficient enforcement of law and order is essential to ensure the safety and security of vulnerable citizens. However, the methods and strategies currently being employed by the state apparatus are deeply problematic—undermining constitutional principles, human rights, and the very fabric of democratic governance.
On the occasion of Holi, on 14th March 2025, approximately 15 individuals, including a minor, took to the streets in the Vastral area of Ahmedabad (Gujarat) armed with sticks, pipes, and swords. They engaged in violent vandalism, damaging parked vehicles and physically assaulting three to four innocent commuters and locals. Several residents and bystanders recorded the incident on their mobile phones, with some posting it on social media. Within minutes, the videos went viral, sparking widespread public outrage. Responding swiftly, the police arrested most of the perpetrators within hours and apprehended the remaining individuals the following day. While all belonged to the Hindu community and lived in predominantly working-class neighborhoods, some of them were Hindi-speaking individuals whose parents had migrated from Uttar Pradesh.
However, the situation took a disturbing turn the next day when visuals emerged showing the police publicly flogging the accused near their homes. Additionally, a municipal team, accompanied by bulldozers, arrived at their residences and carried out demolitions. High-ranking police officials, including the commissioner of police, were present to oversee and ensure the smooth execution of the demolitions. Family members of the accused pleaded against the destruction of their homes, with some even protesting. In response, the police detained them and took them to police stations. These actions were carried out openly in front of media personnel and local residents filming the events. Acting under the directives of political authorities, law enforcement, and municipal officials engaged in what amounted to collective punishment, disregarding legal procedures without hesitation.
The local politicians, including a running MLA, and the media began blaming migrants from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar for indulging in such crimes. One politician remarked, “Aa Parprantiyo Gujarat Ne UP Ane Bihar Samjhe Chhe,” meaning ‘these outsiders perceive Gujarat as if it were Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.’ The otherization and demonization of working-class migrants from these states, coupled with deep-seated stereotypes, are pervasive among middle and upper classes, local media, law enforcement agencies, and local authorities across various states. This entrenched bias provides implicit sanction for police and administrative overreach, allowing them to act disproportionately against these communities with impunity.
Initially justified as a crackdown on organized crime syndicates beyond state control, such extrajudicial actions have now been extended to minor local offenders and first-time criminals, as seen in the Ahmedabad incident. These developments indicate a growing normalization of extrajudicial punitive measures as a routine response by law enforcement to the crime that would be extended to dissent (though there are already ample cases against dissenters). The passive acceptance—or, in some cases, active endorsement—of such actions by sections of society has further emboldened the police and administration to continue these practices without hesitation.
The practice of public flogging and the so-called “bulldozer justice” serve as displays of masculine authority that the current government projects to its social allies. These acts are framed as measures to instill a sense of “security” by targeting the so-called “others” and “demons”—groups labeled as anti-social elements. This assertion of dominance extends beyond governance and seeps into society, reinforced by the daily use of masculine and violent rhetoric by some political leaders. Such rhetoric has influenced certain sections of the youth, encouraging aggressive and dominant behaviors.
At the same time, widespread economic distress and rising unemployment among youth have further exacerbated the situation, creating frustration and anxiety. The regime’s active promotion of a culture of hate and violence, particularly against Muslims, Christians, and all dissenters, has intensified these tensions. By normalizing and even incentivizing hate crimes, the state has fostered an environment where young individuals feel emboldened to channel their aggression into acts of violence. As a result, violent crimes are becoming increasingly frequent, as happened in Vastral, Ahmedabad. However, the normalization of extrajudicial measures serves as a distraction from the larger questions associated with such violence and crimes.
The public display of such punishments, amplified by sustained political and media-driven narratives, signals an intent not merely to enforce order but to consolidate power by deepening societal divisions. The deliberate targeting of constructed “others” and “demons” under the guise of quick justice undermines the fundamental principles of the rule of law and due process. Rather than prioritizing scientific investigation methods, improving crime prevention strategies, addressing systemic corruption in law enforcement, or enhancing citizens’ overall quality of life through better education and economic opportunities, the state appears to rely on spectacle-driven retributive justice to appeal to a particular political constituency.
There are also reports coming from Punjab that the state government is about to begin a demolition drive against protesting farmers and drug mafias. It will be no surprise to see some more state governments also resort to this madness. This increasing acceptance of bulldozer justice among governments and society may destroy the judicial system—if not its total collapse, then at least irreparable damage.
It is high time for all citizens to critically reflect on this pattern of construction of the “others” and “demons” by our political classes and extrajudicial, revenge-driven state violence against them. It is also imperative for the Supreme Court, which has already prohibited demolitions as a punitive response to crime, to take suo motu cognizance and initiate contempt proceedings against police and administrative officials who have blatantly defied its rulings. The issue of illegal housing can be addressed through lawful measures outlined in existing regulations. However, demolishing homes—whether legally constructed or not—as a retaliatory act against alleged crimes is a direct affront to the judiciary and the rule of law. As responsible citizens of India, we must recognize this injustice, condemn it, and actively resist its normalization.
Dr. Ajazuddin Shaikh is a Research Associate at the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad (IIMA) and a civil society activist. He works with marginalized communities on the issues associated with substance use.
