Introduction
Chaudhary Khaliquzzaman in his Pathway To Pakistan (1961) has quoted Maulana Azad to assert the role of Muslim elites of UP. He quotes Azad who says- “students of Indian politics know that it was from the U.P. that the League was re-organized. Mr.Jinnah took full advantage of the situation and started an offensive which led to Pakistan.”(p.xiii) We would do well to remember that the Muslim separatism was aided, abetted and encouraged by the Colonial power which was constantly playing one community against the other. However, the only Muslims who had something to lose were the Muslim elites of UP and they made sure to masquerade their own interests as the interests of the entire community throughout the country. This eventually helped the British in portraying them as a distinct and separate community. It is therefore pertinent to ask that wasn’t UP the stepping stone to the Lahore resolution?
The Foundation of The Muslim League
The movement to save Urdu as an official language which had been spearheaded by the UP Muslim elites brought important Muslims from other parts of the country under a single united umbrella for the first time.(Robinson, Separatism Among The Indian Muslims; The Politics of United Provinces’ Muslims 1860-1923, p.136) The changed atmosphere which favoured agitational politics as well as the Muslims to utilise it (largely because of MacDonall’s successor, LaToche who was sympathetic to the Muslims) saw the Muslim elites of UP in general and Aligarh in particular initiating efforts for an All-India Muslim party. It was in this backdrop that the Simla deputation under the leadership of Salimullah of Dacca met Lord Minto, the then viceroy. Robinson believed that the memorial presented by this deputation marked the end of the influence of Bengal Muslims in the politics of the League(to be formed in December 1906). He says that “the memorial, in fact, was not only drawn up by the Aligarh Muslim leaders but also asserted their interests.” (Robinson, Separatism Among The Indian Muslims; The Politics of United Provinces’ Muslims 1860-1923, p. 144)
After the formation of the Muslim League, there were as many as 40% Muslims in the provisional committee from UP alone and Muhsin-ul Mulk and Viqar-ul Mulk were the joint secretaries. Robinson is of the opinion that “the secretaryship, and power in the League generally, was to remain in the hands of Aligarh and UP men for most of its existence.” (Robinson, p.149) That out of all the provincial leagues, UP Muslim League was established at the end in June 1909 and remained more or less dysfunctional proves beyond doubt that UP Muslims were already firmly entrenched in the All-India Muslim League and their interests taken care of. “By 1909, a Muslim identity was firmly established in Indian Politics. The first stage in the process had been the creation of a Muslim political organisation. In a sense, this had existed for years in Aligarh College and its connections. The second stage was the winning of a separate Muslim electorate.” (Robinson, p.173)
With the separate electorates being granted, the importance of occupational politicians also increased and with this became important three other things i.e. political journalism, public subscription and patron. Here, Turkish wars used to act as a boon for the UP press. While the Young Turk revolution was hailed as a great attempt on the part of Turkish revolutionaries by the Nationalist press, a large part of the Muslim nationals showed it as a concession on the part of Sultan Abdul Hamid 2. Strangely enough, a few among the Muslims even denounced the constitutional advances stating them as evil and hailing the monarchy in the newspapers. These newspaper were almost all published from western UP namely, Al-Aziz from Agra, Shahna-i Hind from Meerut and another one from Etawah (Raj Kumar Trivedi, The Critical Triangle: India, Britain And Turkey 1908-1924, pp.36-39)
Prelude To Partition: The Road To Lahore
When it comes to the talks of a separate homeland for the Muslims, it was at the Stockholm Conference of the Socialist International held in October 1917 that it first happened. The two Aligs Dr. Abdul Jabbar Kheiri and his younger brother Prof. Abdul Sattar Kheiri mooted the division of India into a Hindu India and Muslim India in a written statement.(Syed Sharfuddin Peerzada ed. Foundations of Pakistan vol.2, p.xvi)
Thereafter, Muhammad Abdul Qadir Bilgrami published An Open Letter to Mr. Gandhi even presenting the list of districts to be divided. Interestingly enough this letter was re-published from Badaun in 1922. (Foundations Of Pakistan vol.2, p.xvi) In less goaded words Mohammed Iqbal, the famous poet had also spelled out the proposal for autonomous Muslim majority states at Allahabad in 1930 during the presidential address of the Muslim League.
After his return to India and till the Lahore resolution, Jinnah spoke about Muslim interests throughout India but nowhere else apart from UP did he ever talk exclusively of Muslims being a nation in themselves. The “borrowed captain” clearly knew his audience and also the source for the fuel to his Pakistan dream. While earlier he had been speaking against the high handedness of Congress at other places, his talks in UP remained exclusionary. While on August 4, Jinnah had talked about his offer still being open and politely turned down Rajendra Prasad’s offer, just two months later on 15th October in his presidential address at Lucknow he categorically stated that no justice or fair play can be expected from the Congress.(Syed Sharfuddin Peerzada ed. Foundations Of Pakistan vol.2, p.241) Just a week later when he was at Bijnor, he categorically stated again that Muslims were the third party in India and denounced the Gandhian creed lashing out at the charkha for it wasn’t the charkha that was going to win Independence for the nation. (Waheed Ahmad ed. The Nation’s Voice Towards Consolidation: Speeches and Statements, March 1935 -March 1940, p.183)
After this he again kept speaking about Muslim grievances against Congress ministries but an exclusive battle cry to “keep the flag of Islam flying high” came at a speech he made at Allahabad on 8th January 1938.(Waheed Ahmad ed. The Nation’s Voice Towards Consolidation: Speeches and Statements, March 1935 -March 1940, pp.215-216) When accompanied by Liaqat Ali, Jinnah spoke at the Strachey Hall at AMU on 5th February 1938 he termed constitutional advances as a game where the Muslims were being thrown to the Wolves(referring to the Congress). He said that,“I received the shock of my life at the Round Table Conference. In the face (sic) of danger the Hindu sentiment, the Hindu mind, the Hindu attitude led me to the conclusion that there was no hope of unity. I felt very pessimistic about my country(here he is referring to Muslims more specifically, The Nation’s Voice,p.233) Thereafter, on 9th February 1938 at the City School ground, the district board of Aligarh presented a sword of Islam to Mr. Jinnah who kissed it like the most prized position. (The Nation’s Voice, p.237)
When the working committee of Muslim League met at Castle Mustafa at Meerut in 1939, Liaquat Ali clearly chalked out a programme which hinted at the division of India. He stated that “I want an independent India where Muslims have power and freedom, for the Muslims are a ‘nation’ and not a community. It has become impossible for them to co-exist under the same regime, then they might be able to do so by dividing the country on a religious and cultural basis.( The Nation’s Voice, p.355) Note here that Jinnah chose to speak in Urdu and argued that “during the last two years, Muslims have been made to realise that Congress has been perpetrating a big political fraud.” (The Nation’s Voice, p.357)
Again at Aligarh on 6th April 1939, Jinnah made a thunderous speech that “no geographical limits can divide the children of Islam. About our ideals there was no doubt now.”(The Nation’s Voice, p.362) The most exclusive call for Pakistan was made by Jinnah in his address to the AMU staff delivered through mail on 12th April 1939. Here, he stated that “I make no secret of the fact that Hindus and Muslims are two nations and the Muslims cannot maintain their status as such unless they acquire national self consciousness and national self determination.”(The Nation’s Voice, p.368)
On 5th October 1939, at the request of Mr. M Nusrat Hassan, the vice president of the AMU students union, Jinnah delivered a message to the students of AMU. He exhorted them “to stand solidly by the policies and programs of Muslim League which stands for free and Independent Islam” (which clearly means Pakistan here, The Nation’s Voice, p.394)
Again while addressing the students of AMU on 6th March 1940 just before the Lahore resolution, Jinnah made his course of action quite clear. He stated that “the separate electorate was only an indication of this inner feeling of the Musalmans. It was in this spirit that the Lucknow Pact was signed, the basic principle of which was that two separate distinct entities were entering into a mutual settlement.”(The Nation’s Voice, p.469) Concluding his speech he even hinted at violence which would be a fair means if need be to achieve the goal of Pakistan. He said that “do not worry about handicaps, organise the Muslims bring them all together, train them, drill them and make of them the most wonderful political army that India has ever seen and we will soon reach the goal of our freedom. (The Nation’s Voice, p.472)
Conclusion
It was in this backdrop that the Lahore resolution was passed but its germination had taken place from UP and it also got nurtured in UP. Lahore resolution (23-24 March) was only an official acceptance of churning set on by the UP in the early decades of the twentieth century. Thus, it becomes quite clear that from the inception of the Muslim League to the passage of the Lahore resolution, it was UP which acted as the stepping stone to Muslim separatism eventually leading to the partition of India. It was no doubt prodded and taken advantage of by the British and was also a result of the way in which the British viewed the Muslims as a distinct community.
Bhavuk is a PhD Candidate at the Department of History, AMU
