Singing
The Nation
By Nasreen Rehman
Himal
Magazine
17 May, 2003
The old imperial tune: God Save the Queen.
Literature and music have long been a means of celebrating the cults
of gods, kings and nations. In South Asia, the Bhagavad Gita, the Mahabharat
and the Ramayan are early examples of this, from the Sanskrit tradition.
There are of course, variations upon the general themes in different
regional languages, and also local songs of praise and adulation for
kings and deities. When the Turks, Persians and Afghans came to settle
in India, they brought with them their own traditions of glorifying
the king, such as, Firdausis Shahnama (1010 CE). Additionally,
they too, had carried with them traditions from Arabic of singing, hamd
and nat and tarana in praise of their God, Prophet and saints,
respectively.
Through the ages, there is
ample textual, pictorial and iconographic evidence of thriving traditions
of courtiers, painters, musicians and poets retained by rajas and badshahs.
Their main purpose was to entertain their patrons, by eulogising them
whilst heralding births, celebrating marriages and proclaiming victories.
This often had little bearing on reality, as the artist would exaggerate
the kings good looks, valour and generosity, no matter that the
monarch was no looker, busy losing battles and taxing his subjects into
penury; the painter would paint a picture of exaggerated grandeur and
beauty and the poet would write in similar, inflated language.
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Anyone who has attended an official function in India, Pakistan or Bangladesh
will confirm the resilience of this tradition of sycophancy, as long
speeches are delivered praising prime ministers and presidents, ministers,
governors, petty functionaries and sundry dignitaries, while much of
the state infrastructure crumbles, or extolling the virtues of artists,
authors and celebrities or some literary work, painting or musical performance,
regardless of the artistic or literary merit of the works in question.
The national anthems of India,
Pakistan and, to a much lesser extent, that of Bangladesh are rooted
in this tradition of eulogising and mythologising. However, they have
to be viewed in the context of the late 19th and the early 20th centuries,
which saw the emergence of Indian nationalism and Hindu and Muslim nationalisms
in British India, culminating in 1947, with independence and partition,
resulting in the creation of Pakistan; and just 24 years later, another
partition and the creation of Bangladesh.
South Asian nationalisms
in the 20th cen-tury draw on the experiences of more than a century
and a half of earlier models of nationalism. Early Indian nationalism
had modelled itself on the European nationalisms of the 19th century.
Beginning with the 1848 revolutions, the end of the 19th century saw
the nation-state emerge in Europe. It was a time when much of the current
map of Europe was conjured. Writing about this time, the left historian
Eric Hobsbawm tells us,
It is clear that plenty
of political institutions, ideological movements and groups not
least in nationalism were so unprecedented that even historic
continuity had to be invented, for example by creating an ancient past
beyond effective historical continuity either by semi-fiction (Boadicea,
Vecingetorix, Arminius the Cheruscan) or by forgery (Ossian, the Czech
medieval manuscripts). It is also clear that entirely new symbols and
devices come into existence
such as the national anthem
the national flag
or the personification of the nation
in symbol or image.
The idea that nations are
imagined finds a place in Hobsbawms The Invention of Tradition.
Anybody who has seen the prescribed history text books in India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh can see the manner in which nationhood, history and truth
are constructed and contested: the national anthems are important manifestations
of the construction of nationhood, simultaneously the perpetuators
and reinforcements of feverish nationalism.
Prototype sentiment
The institutional uses of
the fictions and myths of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and their
anthems, have to be seen in two stages. First, the anti-colonial struggle
and later the nation-centeredness of the postcolonial world in which
hegemonic ideas of nationhood were packaged and offered as the authentic
version of being. In the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, these
concepts had a great impact at a time when there were already large
populations living in cities where concepts of mass culture and the
packaging of ideas had taken root. The association between productive
relations and the technology of communication was an important factor
in the propagation of these ideas print languages created unified
fields of communication. Newspapers, periodicals and novels all contributed
to creating mass and nationalist trends.
When the Indian National
Congress adopted Vande Mataram as its anthem in 1896, there were several
models that were before it. Perhaps, the first song celebrating a nation-state
was Marseillaise (1792). Composed by Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle,
the French national anthem asks the sons of France to awake to the glory
of the fatherland. The obvious gendered nature of the song notwithstanding,
the general theme of the anthem is to fight for liberty, to use freedom
as a sword and shield.
The British national anthem,
God save the Queen (tune credited to Englishman Henry Carey, contentiously
to Frenchman Jean-Baptiste Lully, and left anonymous as
preferred by Buckingham, adopted 1800), was also the national anthem
of India for a time, as it was part of the British empire. Today, it
sounds utterly ridiculous in a democratic country, for citizens to pray
that God bestow riches on the monarch, while entrusting everything to
him or her. However, there is a redeeming clause, at the end:
May she defend our laws,
And ever give us cause,
To sing with heart and voice, God save the queen!
There could be a positive
construction that singing the praise of the monarch is contingent upon
her or him being subservient to the rule of law.
The other anthem that would
have been accessible to the Indians because it was in English was The
Star Spangled Banner (lyrics by Francis Scott Key 1814, adopted 1831),
a paean to the American flag. In the current state of the world, where
the United States seems poised to be the sole world power, it sends
a chilling message. And so, as bombs dropped on Baghdad:
And the rockets red
glare, the bomb bursting in air,
Gave proof through the night that our flag was still there
And the sinister significance
in the context of the Rumsfeld-Bush worldview, where the US is quite
openly comfortable with bombing other nations of:
Then conquer we must, for
our cause it is just,
And this be our motto: In God is our trust
And the star-spangled banner forever shall wave
Oer the land of the free and the home of the brave!
Both the United Kingdom and the United States of America are avowedly
secular countries. However, in singing their nation, God is invoked
time and again, for protection, justification and glorification of the
country. But these were not the only models available to the Indians.
The Internationale, written by Eugene Pottier at the fall of the Paris
Commune, in 1871, translated into hundreds of languages, was the rallying
cry for the oppressed and exploited of the world to rise and overthrow
their masters. It has offered inspiration to social and political activists
for over a century now. It was sung by anti-fascist groups during the
Spanish civil war; conducted by Arturo Toscanini at the La Scala at
the end of the second world war to celebrate the fall of the fascists
in Italy. In 1989, it was sung by Chinese students at Tienanmen Square
before the massacre.
Arise, ye prisoners of starvation,
Arise, ye wretched of the earth!
For justice thunders condemnation,
A better worlds in birth
No more traditions chain shall bind us,
Arise, ye slaves, no more in thrall!
The earth shall rise on new foundation,
We have been none, we shall be all
Calling upon the wretched
of the earth to unite against oppression, this anthem subverts the idea
of the nation-state; yet, it was adopted by the Soviet Union as its
national anthem. It was also available to the Communist Party of India,
in its English and Hindustani translations. However, the first anthem
that the Indian nationalists chose to sing in praise of their nation,
came from the tradition of mythologising a fictive imagined nation personified
as a goddess, was Vande Mataram, which appears in Bankim Chandra Chatterjees
1882 novel, Anand Math. It was recited at the 1896 session of the Indian
National Congress. The fact that the novel and the context of the anthem
were overtly anti-Muslim and treated them as a separate nation, and
that the invocation of the deities, Durga, Kali and Lakshmi ran counter
to the secular credentials of Congress obviously did not bother the
leaders who selected it.
Thou art Durga
Lady and Queen,
With her hands that strike and her
Swords of sheen
Vande Mataram or hail
motherland
became the rallying call of freedom fighters through the freedom struggle.
Many chose to either forget or overlook the fact that the first song
celebrating the cult of the Indian nation was rooted in suspicion and
hatred by one imagined Indian community of Hin-dus against another imagined
community of Muslims that it viewed as outsiders. The writer Nirad C
Choudhuri described the atmosphere of the times in which the song was
written.
The historical romances
of Bankim Chatterjee and Ramesh Chandra Dutt glorified Hindu rebellion
against Muslim rule and showed the Muslims in correspondingly poor light.
Chatterjee was positively and fiercely anti-Muslim. We were eager readers
of these romances and we readily absorbed their spirit.
Muslims and Hindus in the
Congress, as well as the Muslim League, reacted sharply to the choice;
within the Congress, in a cosmetic move, it was decided that only the
first two stanzas of the poem would be sung (the stanza quoted above
was excluded). Surprisingly, however, nobody inside the Congress or
outside pointed out that Hindus and Muslims were not two separate nations.
There was no significant debate on nationhood; in the discussions,
there seemed to be an acceptance that Hindus and Muslims were two distinct
communities.
Anthem DNA
In 1911, Jana Gana Mana was
used for the first time at the Calcutta session of the Indian National
Congress, where much of the activity was geared to preparations for
the visit of the British monarch. Caressing the terrain of the nations
geography, this ballad, which was adopted as the Indian anthem, marks
its narrative with references to nine regions and two rivers
Punjab, Sindh, Gujarat, Maratha, Dravida, Utkal, Banga, Vindhya, Himachal,
Yamuna, Ganga. It was written by Rabindranath Tagore, for the 1911 visit
of King George V, who is described reverentially as Bharat bhagya vidhata
or the lord of Indias fate. (A controversy brews over
the composer of Jana Gana Mana, with most believing that Tagore was
the composer while Captain Ram Singh, a Gurkha in the Indian National
army and close associate of Subhas Bose, is also credited.)
After partition, there was
some controversy about the choice of a national anthem for India. Finally,
after a parliamentary
debate, it was settled that Jana Gana Mana would be the national anthem
and that Vande Mataram would have equal status. On 25 August
1948, in a statement to the Constituent Assembly, Jawaharlal Nehru described
his position on the national
anthem:
The question of having
a national anthem tune, to be played by orchestras and bands, became
an urgent one for us immediately after 15 August 1947. It was as important
as that of having a national flag. The Jana Gana Mana tune, slightly
varied had been adopted as a national anthem by the Indian National
Army in South East Asia and had subsequently a degree of popularity
in India also. I wrote to all the provincial governors and asked their
views about adopting Jana Gana Mana or any other song as the national
anthem. I asked them to consult their Premiers...
Jana Gana Mana was retained,
ironically, even though half of Punjab and all of Sindh went to Pakistan,
while currently, more than half of Bengal is the independent country
of Bangladesh. In highly Sanskritised Bengali, the national anthem is
in a language that is largely incomprehensible to the majority of the
population of northern India and completely incomprehensible to the
people of southern India. But it has the advantage of being very short
and largely a litany of names of various regions. India is called Bharat
in it does this in anyway inform the Indian right wings
dreams of the mythical akhand (undivided) Bharat?
Another very popular anthem in India, which is almost as popular if
not more than the national anthem is the tarana by Iqbal, Sare jahan
se accha Hindositan hamara, hum bulbulein hain iski, yeh gulsitan hamara.
Set to music by Pandit Ravi Shankar, it became the anthem for the Indian
Peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) in the mid-1940s. All the professionals
associated with IPTA were progressive, radical and anti-communal. Ironically,
Iqbal, who wrote in this poem, mazhab nahin sikhata apas mein
bair rakhna (religion does not teach us to fight amongst ourselves)
in 1930, dreamt of a separate homeland for Indian Muslims. Iqbal died
in 1935, after conceiving the idea of Pakistan but before he could see
its creation. No doubt, if he had been alive, he would have written
the national anthem for Pakistan.
As it was, the choice of
language and poet for singing Pakistan was in itself an
indication of how the country would develop. A majority of the population
lived in East Pakistan with Bangla as its mother tongue; in the provinces
of West Pakistan, Pashto, Balochi, Punjabi and Sindhi were first languages.
Urdu had been prominent in the Punjab, and the British had used it for
administrative purposes. It was also the tongue of the mohajirs from
present day Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Quite arbitrarily, Urdu was declared
the national language of Pakistan and became the language of the national
song. Tragically, a beautiful, rich and lyrical language came to be
associated with a repressive state, out of touch with itself and its
people.
At a time when Faiz Ahmed
Faiz was already acclaimed as the greatest living Urdu poet, lyricist
and litterateur Hafeez Jullandhri was given the task of writing the
song. Not surprising, since Faiz, a revolutionary poet, had written
a lament after independence, mourning the bitter dawn of bloodshed and
partition. The new state of Pakistan saw itself free, not just from
the fetters of imperial Britain, but free from the feared domination
of Hindu India. In defining the nation, Hafeez looked to
the Persian tradition for inspiration. This, when the great masters
of Urdu poetry, such as Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Miraji, had already altered
the Urdu canon by departing from the traditional usage of classical
Persian to explicitly local and indigenous imagery and language. There
are no more than two indigenous words in the song, and one of them is
ka the preposition of.
Hafeez could be congratulated
for the phrase, Pak sarzameen ka nizaam, quaat-e-axuat-e-awam,
which asserts that the primary concern in the pure land should be the
strength and benefit of the populace. But he digs a deep hole with qaum,
mulk, sultanat, painda tabinda bad, shadbad manzil-e-murad. Which
qaum or nation is he referring to? In using the word sultanat,
is he harkening back to the days of empires, falsely represented as
Muslim empires in India? Quaat-e-axuat-e-awam the order of this
sacred land is the might of the brotherhood of the people says
the anthem of a country where, almost as if defying those words, Muslims
have bled and killed each other since its creation.
While the Pakistani anthem ceded a lot of linguistic ground, Bangladesh
seceded from (West) Pakistan largely on the grounds of language. In
Pakistan, people still wonder why a Tagore song was chosen for Bangladesh,
yet to come to terms with the fact that Bangladesh was about language
and not about religion. Language was at the core of the resentment that
East Pakistanis felt against West Pakistan. The partition of Pakistan
into the independent state of Bangladesh gave a lie to the belief that
South Asia had two nations: the Hindus and the Muslims. The Bangladeshis
chose their anthem in the light of their struggle, therefore, Rabindranath
Tagore, a Hindu Bengali, was chosen, when in fact they could have chosen
the more revolutionary Nazrul Islam. The Bangladeshis chose to highlight
the Bengali aspect of their identity. Tagore is therefore the creator
of two national anthems in the region. Amar Shonar Bangla, ami tamaye
bhalo bhashi was writ-ten in 1906, in the context of the partition
of Bengal. Its words and tune, based on a Baul song by Gagan Horkora,
in their simplicity are immediately accessible to any Bangla speaker.
Invoking the mother goddess and mother earth, Tagore praises the rivers,
the breeze and the seasons: it seems that his Bengal has eternal autumn
and spring. There is, of course, no mention of the cyclones and storms
that wreak havoc in the lives of millions annually. [See In search
of shonar Bangla, page 33.]
False notes
The Indian, Pakistani and
Bangladeshi national anthems are very much in the tradition of their
Western counterparts, glorifying a make-believe land where the landmass
becomes an end in itself a way of identifying the individual
citizen, who is bound and defined by unreal geography and who sings
the praise of an unreal nation. Singing the concept of an akhand Bharat
in the Indian anthem or of a Persianised sultanat in the Pakistani or
of a shonar Bangla when part of Bengal is in India takes these three
countries right into Saadat Hasan Mantos imagination.
In Mantos 1948 play,
someone asks about the fictional Punjabi village, Toba Tek Singh. In
reply, he is told, If it was in India yesterday and is in Pakistan
today, how do I know where it will be tomorrow? If, many years
later, the question had been about Dhaka, he could have been told that
Dhaka had been in India, then it was in Pakistan and now it is in Bangladesh.
Who knows where it will be years from now. There is a need to explode
the myths of akhand Bharat, Pakistan, the pure land of the Muslim ummah
or the exotic beautiful Bengal of sweet breezes.
The nation, hiding behind
terms such as authenticity, tradition, folklore, community, obscuring
its origins in what Benedict Anderson has called the most universally
legitimate value in the political life of our time, uses its national
anthem to perpetrate its myth. The singing of national anthems at school
assemblies and after the screening of films is no longer mandatory.
However, who can overlook the hypocrisy inherent in a moment of glory
at some international sporting event the flag is hoisted, and
people weep as the national anthem is played for the victorious country,
and members of marginalised and victimised communities go forward to
collect accolades for their nations?
Where there are common threads
of poverty, hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy, filth and squalor, here
is a suggestion for the peoples of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh: zard
patton ka ban jo mera des hai, dard ki anjuman jo mera des hai by Faiz
Ahmed Faiz. The majority of our populations live in appalling conditions
of deprivation somebody could add a few lines for the communal
and ethnic strife that tears us apart. Perhaps, this will remind us
more of our realities and might actually shame us into some action instead
of standing and singing and celebrating non-existent nations. Like most
other national anthems, the national anthems of Bangladesh, India and
Pakistan have no bearing on the reality and existence of the majority
of their populations. The national anthems are as false as the nations
they celebrate.