Sustaining
Palestinian Division, Reviving A Partner
By Nicola Nasser
12 September, 2007
Countercurrents.org
Saving
a Palestinian partner, whom they have rejected until Hamas took control
of the Gaza Strip in mid-June, has become the most important mission
preoccupying the U.S. Administration and the Israeli government, a mission
which nonetheless Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is taking seriously,
against all the odds, pursuing a “hope” that their preoccupation
could yet be a window of opportunity to revive serious Palestinian –
Israeli peace negotiations and break through the siege imposed on him
and his people by the both deadlocked inter-Palestinian and the peace
process crises.
While all media attention is focused on Hamas in the tightly sealed
off Gaza Strip, the real battle of the inter-Palestinian political strife
is being fought in the West Bank, where Israeli and American efforts
are trying to secure the survival of the Fatah – led Palestinian
Authority (PA) and preempt the repetition of the scenario that left
Hamas in control of the besieged Mediterranean coastal strip.
Betting the survival of the PA as well as his own presidency on a faint
hope that the U.S. Administration might deliver on their promises to
revive the peace process with Israel, Abbas is risking a Palestinian
infighting in his power base in the Israeli occupied West Bank in the
hope that the continued outbreak with Hamas in the Gaza Strip and outlawing
their military wings could help international friends to convince Israel
to translate the “diplomatic process” he is conducting with
the Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert into an honest and serious negotiations
over the final status issues, the only diversion to the prevailing status
quo that could spare the West Bank a flare up of violence.
In spite of all his reservations on U.S. President George W. Bush’s
vague proposal for an international conference in the fall to revive
the peace talks, to which neither he nor other potential participants
have yet received any invitation, Abbas seems desperately determined
to pursue his faint hope that the world community might yet intervene
to make something out of the November event. His Fatah-led PA is similarly
optimistic on betting all on the outcome of the coming gathering, which
nothing concrete has leaked so far to support its success prospects
to vindicate their optimism or to dispel the pessimistic expectations
of the overwhelming majority of Palestinian, Israeli and Western observers.
Reviving a Partner
On July 16, Bush set off a flurry of diplomatic motion when he proposed
to hold a conference this fall to help resume the Palestinian - Israeli
peace talks, deadlocked since the collapse of the trilateral Camp David
summit meeting late in 2000, but so far this diplomatic flurry has been
much ado about nothing. The aim of this diplomatic flurry is to lay
the ground for a successful conclusion of the proposed international
gathering. However the Bush administration’s refusal over several
years to bring serious attention to the Israel-Palestine conflict has
ranked high; Bush’s proposed conference is promising to change
nothing.
The U.S. and Israeli officials have been repeatedly on record to pre-condition
the convening of the proposed conference and their support to Abbas
on sustaining his outbreak with Hamas. A hint by the Italian Premier
Romano Prodi about having a dialogue with Hamas and an outright call
for such a dialogue by the British House of Common's Foreign Affairs
Committee in August drew sharp criticism from Livni as a “huge
mistake” that “will only cripple the process of reconciliation
and will halt the current positive momentum,” according to Foreign
Ministry spokesman Mark Regev.
Israel has ruled out Abbas as a peace partner since his election in
January 2005; the U.S. has done nothing essential to make the Israelis
reconsider. It was left to Hamas to convince both sides to come to their
political senses. The Islamic movement’s landslide electoral victory
in January 2006 and control of the Gaza Strip in mid June this year
have only prodded them to reconsider tactically how to keep Abbas in
place lest a similar scenario carries Hamas close to Israeli door steps
in the West Bank.
The PA is overreacting in their anti-Hamas measures to assure that the
new diplomatic momentum continues; the majority leader in the Democratic-led
U.S. House of Representatives Steny Hoyer emerged from a meeting with
Palestinian premier Salam Fayyad in Ramallah on August 14 to tell reporters:
“Mr. Fayyad made very clear that Hamas could not and would not
be a partner in moving forward.” Abbas and Fayyad are resisting
huge Palestinian, Arab and Muslim pressure to sustain their rejection
of dialogue with Hamas, which is also demanded by Russia, Norway, India
and the Non-Aligned Movement; they have so far aborted at least eight
mediation efforts to restore Palestinian unity, which was also recommended
by the International Crisis Group (ICG) early in August.
The U.S. sponsors of the upcoming conference are not leaving prospects
to good faith and hopeful wishes; the success for the U.S. Administration
is judged by convening the conference and not by any results it may
yield because the White House and the State department planned it as
a public relations event on the one hand and as a “banana”
to bring in Arab heavy weights like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab
Emirates to meet face to face with Israel, in a public show of Arab
normalization with Israeli officials, allegedly to boost Olmert’s
fragile political standing at home to encourage him to take the next
step towards peace.
Bush is urging Olmert to make “concessions” to Abbas to
avert a Hamas takeover in the West Bank. Reportedly, Olmert is now forthcoming
to cooperate with Abbas in writing something like a “framework
agreement” that will lay down the principles of an agreement that
may be achieved later on, but without details or a time-table or guarantees,
which is a non-starter for a breakthrough. Israeli Defense Minister
Ehud Barak's expectation of a possible early election next year and
his recent assertion that Israel would not be ready to make a large-scale
pullback from the West Bank for at least 2 1/2 years raise more doubts
than assurances.
After meeting with Olmert in the West Bank town of Jericho in August,
the two men met again in Jerusalem later in the month, met for a third
time also in Jerusalem on Tuesday and said they will be meeting again
this September before another encounter during a Palestinian –
Israeli business conference in Tel Aviv in October, where they will
meet also with the special envoy of the Quartet of the U.S., U.N., EU
and Russia, Tony Blair. Between September 16–19 both men will
receive the visiting U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; her Assistant
for Near Eastern Affairs, David Welch, paid both men a visit ahead of
Rice's planned visit. Later in September Abbas will head for New York.
Two-pronged Effort
The Americans are now leading a two-pronged effort to strengthen Abbas
- the Washington conference is planned to present the “political
horizon,” while Quartet envoy Tony Blair -- who arrived in the
region last week for a ten-day visit but hardly a word was heard from
him -- and U.S. Security Coordinator Keith Dayton are working to rehabilitate
and bolster the PA’s security and civilian institutions in the
West Bank. Visits by the Japanese Foreign Minister, Taro Aso, EU foreign
policy chief Javier Solana, Italian top diplomat Massimo D'Alema, Austrian
Chancellor Alfred Gusenbauer and French Foreign Minister, Bernard Kouchner
were perceived as contributing to Blair’s and Dayton’s mission.
The European Union's foreign ministers meeting last week for two days
in Portugal, which currently holds the EU's rotating presidency, discussed
measures to make their mission a success.
Israeli daily Haaretz on September 12 reported the United States will
host the conference in Washington, D.C., in November, the week before
Thanksgiving. Rice will chair the meeting, which “will seek to
win support for arrangements being drafted” by Olmert and Abbas
“but will not have any negotiating role” the daily said,
adding that Rice and her Israeli counterpart, Tzipi Livni, initiated
the “political horizon” or “shelf agreement”
whose implementation will be put off until the Palestinian Authority
(PA) is strong enough to carry out. Olmert agreed to the plan.
U.S. and Israeli officials seem faithful to a sixty-year old strategy
of managing the conflict. Recently they seem to have taken the advice
of an old hand in this strategy like the veteran U.S. peace negotiator
Dennis Ross, who wrote in The New Republic on July 16: “There
does need to be a sense of possibility about peace with Israel. A process,
negotiations, dialogue, and the promise of changes on the ground will
count for a lot. Ironically, I did not find the Palestinians I spoke
with--and the number is now over 40 in my two visits here in the last
six weeks--wanting to raise false expectations. No one expects an immediate
breakthrough and resolution of the permanent status issues.”
“Over the years, the Palestinians have learned that for Israelis,
nothing is more permanent than the temporary,” Akiva Eldar wrote
in Haaretz on August 24. In their effort to find a formula for bridging
the temporary and the permanent, Olmert and Vice Premier Haim Ramon
have adopted the method of “constructive ambiguity,” which
allows each side to have its own interpretation. In the case of temporary
borders, the compromise formula is expected to stipulate temporary borders
in the first stage, but with no declaration of statehood until there
is an agreement on final borders.
The United Nations and the Vatican voiced optimistic hope that the fall
conference could yet deliver a long – awaited revival of the peace
process. The conference raised new hopes and created a “particularly
favorable context” for progress in the “crisis that has
lasted 60 years and that continues to spread grief and destruction,”
a Vatican statement said on September 6. The U.N.'s top Middle East
envoy, Michael Williams, added a warning against failure to hopeful
prospects: “There is a hope now which has been absent for almost
seven years. A setback at this stage could have serious consequences,”
Williams told the Security Council recently; he cited among the “signs
of hope” the proposed conference, the revival of a pan-Arab peace
initiative, “and, perhaps above all,” the dialogue between
Abbas and Olmert.
Ruling out Syria, Hamas Non-starter
Palestinian, Arab, Muslim and international critical analysts question
Bush’s proposal as a public relations ploy that aims at luring
moderate Arab governments into a U.S. – led political, diplomatic
and, probably later, a military Arab – Israeli camp of moderates
to serve the U.S. strategy against what he had earlier termed as an
Iranian – Syrian “axis of evil” and to help save whatever
could be saved for Americans in Iraq should the anti-war escalating
campaign inside the United States force him to consider an exit strategy.
Critics highlight the fact that Bush’s proposed gathering is increasingly
sowing divisive discord both among Arabs and Palestinians.
On the official level, during a regular Arab League (AL) meeting held
recently in Cairo, Arabs said the U.S. initiative must be dealt with
cautiously. AL Secretary General Amr Moussa said that the conference,
if fails, would pose a threat to Arab interests and regional stability.
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak warned that if the conference fails
to produce a breakthrough, the negative repercussions would affect the
whole region, increase feelings of frustration and strengthen extremism.
Egyptian Foreign Minister, Ahmed Abul Gheit, on September 12 said it
was imperative to set an agenda for the conference to clarify the goals
and participants, the foreign ministry said in a statement. Jordan's
King Abdullah II, who early this month toured France, Saudi Arabia,
Egypt and the United Arab Emirates in efforts to energize the peace
process, said after meeting with Blair in Amman on September 9 the conference
should lay out a working plan with a “specific timetable.”
Arabs and Abbas are demanding that Syria be invited to secure the success
of the conference, but not Hamas.
All those involved in the current diplomatic flurry recognize Abbas
as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and all rule
out dealing with the Hamas rulers of the Gaza Strip. How then will any
agreement signed with Abbas be accepted by Hamas as well? For example
how can they, and Abbas, begin handling the rocket and mortar shell
fire directed at Israeli targets from Gaza, like the one that hit the
southern Israeli military base of Zikim on Tuesday and wounded at least
fifty soldiers? Or with whom they are to negotiate the release of the
Israeli soldier Gilad Schalit from his Palestinian captivity in Gaza?
Ruling Syria or Hamas is a non-starter; ruling both out only casts doubts
on the sponsors’ real goals; do they intend to prove later that
Abbas could not deliver and consequently is not qualified as a partner
as an excuse to absolve themselves of commitments they might take upon
themselves during the upcoming conference?
Abbas, Olmert Don’t See Eye to Eye
Judging by Abbas – Olmert meetings, despite the reports that the
two sides had agreed to set up negotiating teams to advance their talks,
neither side issued a statement, announced any breakthroughs, had anything
in writing or reported a tangible progress, but both sides confirmed
they did not address any details of the final status issues. Chief Palestinian
negotiator, Saeb Erakat, denied any exchange of memos of understanding.
Ynet had quoted a senior political source in Olmert’s Office as
saying, “at this point no agreement has been reached” and
made it clear that “it is too soon to tell if such an agreement
would find its way to the proposed conference,” probably in Washington.
However Abbas and Olmert still do not see eye to eye to what their dialogue
should deliver to secure the success of the proposed conference. Abbas
demands they should reach a “framework agreement” for a
“declaration of principles” with a timeline and mechanisms
for implementation on the final status issue, including the core issues
of borders, Jerusalem and the fate of Palestinian refugees, ahead of
the conference. “A genuine project for peace should be presented
to this conference so it can serve as a basis for negotiations and reach
towards a final settlement,” Abbas told reporters in the West
Bank city of Ramallah last week. “We are concerned that November
15 will come -- if this will indeed be the date for this international
conference -- without arriving at a specific agreement on all the issues,”
then “this meeting will be described as a failure. We do not want
a meeting that results in merely a statement. We do not want a meeting
that will end up a failure for everybody.”
But Olmert seeks agreement on a broadbrush “declaration of principles”
that would be a general statement of intent rather than a concrete diplomatic
commitment. On August 3 Olmert said even he was not sure he would be
able to reach a deal with Abbas on statehood principles ahead of the
November international meeting. “I have been holding meetings
with Abu Mazen (Abbas) and I hope that in the near future this will
lead to a ... joint declaration. If we can achieve a draft by November,
we will achieve it, but I am not sure we will be able to do that,”
he told reporters. His government’s spokesperson, Mir Eisen, said:
“We think that the Palestinian Authority needs to build itself,
its government, its security forces, before we define this state.”
Earlier, Abbas had said the proposed conference would be a “waste
of time” if it focused solely on a “declaration of principles.”
He even hinted indirectly to boycotting the event: “If there is
a clear framework including final status issues, we will welcome this
and go to the [November] conference,” he added. Reportedly, Olmert
is now forthcoming to cooperate with Abbas in writing something like
a one-page “framework agreement” that will lay down the
principles of an agreement that may be achieved later on, but without
details or a time-table or guarantees for implementation, which is a
non-starter for a breakthrough.
“I am really terrified that these meetings and the meeting in
November ... will create the illusion with a certain part of our publics,
on both sides, that peace is possible and both leaders are capable,”
Nazmi Al-Jubeh, a Bir Zeit University professor and one of the Palestinian
negotiators on the Geneva Accord, told The Globe and Mail on August
29, warning the collapse of such an illusion “will lead us into
another kind of intifada.”
In an interview with the “Palestine-Israel Journal” (Vol.14
No.2 2007), former PA security adviser, Jibril al-Rajoub, responded
to U.S. President George W. Bush’s call for an international peace
conference: “The Palestinian people are fed up with good will
statements we have been hearing them for years now. We are looking to
see something moving on the ground. We are looking for practical mechanisms
to start implementing the Road Map and the Bush vision, and international
legitimacy.” On the appointment of Tony Blair as the Quartet envoy,
he said: “as far as I know, his mandate has nothing to do with
politics.”
Many Israelis are skeptical as well. “The Bush initiative is a
basic strategic pitfall, premised on driving a wedge between Mahmoud
Abbas' “moderates” and Hamas' “extremists,”
former Israeli foreign minister, Shlomo Ben Ami, wrote in ynetnews.com
on August 17. In an article titled, “Saving President Abbas,”
Israeli leader of Gush Shalom wrote on June 23: “At present, all
Olmert's actions are endangering Abbas. His embrace is a bear's embrace,
and his kiss is the kiss of death… If I might offer some advice
to Abbas, I would call out to him: Run! Run for your precious life!
One touch of Olmert's hand will seal your fate!” But Abbas has
been embracing Olmert on a biweekly basis for almost six months now!?
Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist in Kuwait,
Jordan, UAE and Palestine; he is based in Bir Zeit, West Bank of the
Israeli-occupied territories.
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