The Ambedkarite Odyssey: A Journey to a New India

This article explores how Ambekar’s thoughts and experiments with social engineering can provide a foundation for a transformed India

India is at crossroads. The country is beleaguered by rising inequality, gigantic social injustices, and dwindling democratic space. Press freedoms have shrivelled to the lowest levels. Religious and ethnic minorities stand susceptible to extinction. Each day, reports of some or the other form of majoritarian groups invading sacred spaces of worship of Christians and Muslims have become common place.

Amidst this political pandemonium, diverse groups of people multiple identities aspire to recuperate justice from the spaces of social, economic, religious, ethnic, and political differentiations. They have seen and experienced enough and more of inequalities and oppression. They demand a new social order as a matter of right.  If justice delayed is justice denied, then one crore+ plus Indians will find their seething rage. This new order must offer social justice, human rights, eco-justice, the abandonment of caste oppression, the affirmation of gender justness and an end to the tyranny of ethnic inequity.

This rapid listing of issues begs the question: What of the journey to a new India? Is there a pathway? What does it consist in? Will it be a peaceful transition from an oppressive political-social-economic-cultural structure or will there be turmoil, even mayhem before the rich settle to share power and resources?  

India’s democratic fabric has been steadily fraying over the past few decades. The erosion of democratic institutions, the decline of civil liberties, and the rise of majoritarianism have all contributed to a sense of unease and disillusionment. The past few years have witnessed a precipitous decline in democratic norms, with the ruling dispensation exploiting divisive nationalistic ideologies and manipulate institutions to consolidate power. The consequences are stark: shrinking space for dissent, a muzzled media, and a populace increasingly polarized along sectarian lines.

This status quo must give. It is the conviction of those in the margins that they should be organized to end the misery and oppression that they have lived under for centuries under a ruling class who sits atop a pyramid where everything is patently unjust. Those who have claimed the best spaces and maximum privileges in the pyramid have created systems which they will not surrender.

India political spectrum is far too diverse and points of unification are much too complex to stitch together. The oppressed are too terrified to unite and organize. They are almost certain that any hint of rebellion will see them punished, jailed, killed, their dwelling spaces bulldozed and destroyed, their land and resources grabbed, and livelihoods clutched. But can we capitulate to the idea of a divided India? To that obdurate question, the answer must be an emphatic NO. India needs to witness a peaceful, yet stubborn, mass movements of people from all sectors, especially the oppressed- women’s movements, workers, Dalits, Tribals, workers, especially workers in the informal sector, urban poor, street dwellers, landless farmers, construction workers, and more.  

“Re-imagining a New India”
The BJP’s dominant position has led to a stark polarization of politics, making it challenging for opposition parties to find common ground. The BJP has resorted to unethical and stealthy manipulation of elections. The Election Commission and its dubious decisions such as the timing of elections and the use of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) have contributed to the opposition’s disunity. The mainstream media’s role in shaping public opinion and amplifying divisions within the opposition cannot be further exaggerated. We have lost the notion of ‘’Front-Page’ news and exchanged that important space to advertisements that feature politicians making this announcement and that which announce me4ga projects that either never show up or fail miserably on many occasions. The BJP has been accused of using strategic politics to divide the opposition, including exploiting regional and caste differences. Allegations of the use of money and muscle power to influence opposition parties and leaders have contributed to the perception of induced divisions. Social media platforms have been used to spread disinformation and amplify divisions within the opposition.

The BJP’s alleged abuse of money power is a major contentious topic in Indian politics. The BJP has hidden BJP’s tactical politics by practicing induced divisions. To win power, they will stop at nothing using strategic politics to divide the opposition, even exploiting regional and caste differences.  The BJP has flagrantly also used money and muscle power to influence opposition parties and contributed to induced divisions.

The BJP’s alleged abuse of money power is a contentious issue in Indian politics. The BJP has been accused of using money to poach MLAs from other parties, particularly in states like Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Critics argue that the electoral bond scheme, introduced by the BJP-led government, allows for anonymous donations to political parties, facilitating money laundering and corruption. There have been allegations of the BJP engaging in cash-for-votes scandals, in multiple situations. Such is their money power. Alongside, the BJP has used its clout to create a virtual militia in social media platforms that have been used to spread propaganda, disinformation and amplify divisions within the opposition. The alleged abuse of money power by the BJP is seen as a threat to the opposition parties, which often struggle to match the BJP’s financial resources. The perception of money power abuse has eroded trust in the electoral process and undermined the legitimacy of democratic institutions. The concentration of financial resources in the hands of one party can lead to a absorption of power, undermining the principles of democratic governance.

While it is all very calm to externalise the problem of BJP successes and Opposition failures and be laid back about it, the Opposition must engage in serious self-retrospection and adopt a posture of pro-active transformative action.  It must contend with its own troubling internal factors too. The huge degree of ego clashes and personal ambitions, among opposition leaders have hindered efforts to form a united front. Ideological variances between opposition parties, such as the Congress and the Left (with AAP being a new entrant), have made it challenging to find common ground. Even though the Gandhi family has its own bright spots of charisma and large followings, the formula of a single-leader national leader is not tenable in the current context of India. A pluralistic country like India where regional parties have asserted their authority and claimed political space in the cultural milieu of where the people are at requires multiple political expressions. The absence of a unifying figure whose charisma can bring opposition parties together has contributed to the divided nature of the opposition. There are lessons to learn from history notably the Nehruvian era when the ruling party itself had doyens within the party and many sat in the Congress but held power in the States. Their bases in the States permitted them to challenge decisions made at the centre that even Nehru was compelled to pay heed to. It was Indian democracy at its best era.   

It is an irreversible political fact that electoral reforms are urgently needed to increase transparency and accountability in political funding. Moreover, stricter regulations on campaign finance can help prevent the abuse of money power. Although this may sound preposterous to governments, investigations and prosecutions can help to hold those responsible for money power abuse accountable. The divided nature of the opposition in India is a result of a complex interplay of internal and external factors, including political polarization, ego-personality clashes, ideological differences, and induced divisions. The challenge then is to create a unity of democratic forces who subscribe to the ideology of the Constitution of India’s and its core principles of sovereignty, socialism, secularism, and democracy. Unless, the opposition identifies a common set of ideals that can unite them, and these, in essential, have to be social, political, and economic ideals. 

Ambedkarism as an assimilating ideology for a Transformed India
Ambedkar faced embarrassing societal exclusion because of his Dalit background. He overcame these barriers through education, even earning doctorates from Columbia University and the London School of Economics. His intellectual journey made him a formidable force in India’s fight against social injustices. His vision extended beyond caste, encompassing economic justice, education, gender rights, and state planning, reflecting a holistic approach to dismantling systemic inequalities. This is why he ranked education as key to the agenda for India’s development.

Let us first define ‘Ambedkarism’: “Ambedkarism is a liberatory ideology that seeks to dismantle intersecting systems of oppression, including caste, class, and patriarchy, to establish a just and equitable society. It emphasizes the empowerment of marginalized communities, social justice, and human dignity through critical pedagogy, resistance, and radical social transformation.” It has permeated popular culture, protests, and scholarly research, marking a broader recognition of his contributions beyond mere ceremonial acknowledgments. India today needs a unifying ideology and it has to involve some essential traits. Ambedkar’s ideological vision has the potential to unite what, otherwise, seems a scrambled political opposition with competing claims and ideas. In the final analysis, the opposition may not be too far apart ideologically even now. They are united behind the important principle that political change must happen and that the BJP can only further discolour the ideal of a united nation. This unity must be complemented by the mobilizing capacity of trade unions, women’s organizations, Dalit and Adivasi movements, and environmental groups. Together, they can reclaim India’s democratic spaces, promote participatory governance, and push for policies that prioritize social justice, economic equality, and human rights. By doing so, India can transition towards a more equitable, just, and peaceful society, where the dignity and well-being of all citizens are non-negotiable. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s contributions to India have been profound and far-reaching. Without him, India would likely be missing several key aspects that shape the country’s social, economic, and political fabric. Some of the significant things India would have lost without Ambedkar include

In this context, the imperative for a broader unity of political formations, social movements, and trade unions assumes existential proportions. The need for collective resistance against the corrosive influences of money power, hate ideology, and creeping authoritarianism cannot be overstated. Regional parties, national parties, and social movements must converge to create a robust, federal, and secular alternative that prioritizes social justice, economic equality, and human rights. This unity must be forged in the crucible of struggle, with the active participation of trade unions, women’s organizations, Dalit and Adivasi movements, and environmental groups. Only through such a collective effort can India reclaim its democratic heritage, revitalize its institutions, and rediscover the promise of freedom, equality, and justice enshrined in its Constitution where values of equality, justice, and democracy acquired primacy.

Ambedkar schemas that could serve as amalgamating points for all progressive parties could include:

• Social Justice and Equality by advocating for the rights of marginalized communities, particularly the Dalits. His relentless pursuit of social justice has inspired movements across India and beyond.
• Empowerment through Education: Ambedkar emphasized the transformative power of education, motivating millions to pursue knowledge as a tool for liberation. His own academic achievements and life story serve as a testament to the importance of education in breaking social and economic barriers.
• Economic Reforms: Ambedkar’s contributions to India’s economy were substantial. He proposed ideas like industrialization, centralized banking, and equitable land distribution, shaping the country’s financial institutions, including the Reserve Bank of India.
• Hindu Code Bill and Women’s Rights: Ambedkar’s efforts to reform Hindu personal laws aimed to grant women rights to property, divorce, and inheritance, laying the groundwork for gender equality in India.
• Dalit Buddhist Movement: Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism and his efforts to revive Buddhism in India have had a lasting impact on the Dalit community, providing a new path for social and spiritual liberation.
• Poverty reduction through industrialization He emphasized industrialization as a means of reducing poverty.
• A centralized banking system and policies for equitable land distribution.

Ambedkar’s legacy continues to inspire movements for equality, justice, and education in India and beyond, making him a towering figure in Indian history. As the First Law Minister of India, he played a role in shaping financial institutions like the Reserve Bank of India and this, far-reaching, vision of his has left India more stable than ever before. He rejected the dominant discourse of persuading the first-place safeguard for the Dalits before quitting India. Ambedkar also vociferously crusaded for separate electorates for the backward classes as a route to create them as a sordid interest group. Despite his fervent conviction, he conceded to Gandhi. That was democracy in its truest sense- consensus based on counter-arguments that built consensus.

If a multi-party democracy coalesces into a mass movement that follows Ambedkar’s call to “Educate, Agitate, and Organize” that culminates into deranged social practices such as barring Dalits drinking from common water resources that challenge repressive social norms that have carried for centuries. Similarly, at a time, when the upper-castes aspire to reinstate Manusmriti, that obsolete Hindu Law book, which places cruel social and legal constraints on the backward castes, Ambedkar organized a public burning of the book as a strong.

In a very conversation on the 2025 budget, a Dalit activist criticized the budget pointing out how it favoured the rich and powerful, and, in fact, withdrew privileges from the poorest who deserved justice as a way of equitable living. The conversation led to the question: How can the budget be viewed as a people’s budget implying what involvements can the poorest of the poor, working classes, farmers, workers, and other oppressed group put forward their views on the budget fearlessly and with conviction. For the top economists and bureaucrats, and the so-called intelligentsia, to arrogate on themselves the power to create it is wrong. The arrogant and elitist assumption that only people of letters know must be aside. Economics is an everyday matter and the common slum dweller, or rural poor, fisher folk, worker, taxi driver, may not speak economic theory. The practical, intuitive understanding of how resources are managed, exchanged, and valued in everyday life, guided by common sense, real-world experience, and community wisdom, rather than solely by theoretical models or expert opinions. In the final analysis, economics is the practical, intuitive understanding of how resources are managed, exchanged, and valued in everyday life, guided by common sense, real-world experience, and community wisdom, rather than solely by theoretical models or expert opinions. It might sound overstated; but many of our MPs, and even Ministers would not have a miniscule understanding of this level of economics because they have lived shielded exclusive lives.

Ambedkar’s views on the caste system and untouchability have evolved through interaction both with mainstream neo-classical economic theory and the Marxian approach. But unlike the Marxists, he also stressed on the role of Hindu religious philosophy in mutually reinforcing economic forces and institution. Classical Hinduism whose very foundation is hierarchical with SCs at the bottom. The Chaturvarna system, which Gandhi did not oppose, was part of Hinduism. Ambedkar’s critique of the caste system, most notably in his 1936 essay “Annihilation of Caste,” continues to resonate across various platforms. He argued, “Caste is not a division of labour; it is a division of labourers,” highlighting the system’s inherent hierarchy. His ideas persist in educational discussions, protests, and policy debates, emphasizing the need for caste, reservation, and social justice reforms. In 1956, Ambedkar converted to Buddhism, along with hundreds of thousands of his followers, in a ceremony in Nagpur. This conversion was a strategic move to escape the oppressive caste system and find a more egalitarian and humane spiritual path. This author does not Ambedkar’s understanding of Buddhism emphasized social justice, equality, and human dignity. He saw Buddhism as a means to challenge the existing social order and promote a more inclusive and compassionate society. Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism has had a lasting impact on the Dalit community, inspiring alternative spiritual paths and influence social justice movements and Dalit activism in India. What is most important is that Ambedkar used constitutional means to promote social justice, such as drafting laws and policies that protected the rights of marginalized groups. It prompted him to found the Independent Labour Party.

Today, Indian politics is driven by exclusionary and divisive approaches. The recent attacks in Kashmir have been communalised beyond all reasonable proportions reflecting religious intolerance. Not so with Ambedkar who was, himself, a renowned jurist, economist, and social reformer but united other distinguished lawyers, jurists, social workers, and civil servants’ luminaries into the process. The approach and agenda need not necessarily be referred to as Ambedkarism but be viewed as a socialism of the future and the very future of socialism. Only thus, will it be possible to eschew violence and injustice reflect and affirm the nation’s pluralistic cultural, social, and political fabric.

Ranjan Solomon is a political commentator