In the year 2008, peace agreement between Maoist party, government and other political forces ensued in Nepal. The country acceded to constitutional democracy leaving behind the declared objective of achieving a successful “proletarian revolution” in the name of which the decade long political struggle from 1996 was initiated. A decade of struggle resulting into formal democratic set up – the cost of “class-struggle” and “proletarian revolution”! Is the recent “pro-Monarchy” protest in Kathmandu the ghost of “peace agreement” of 2008 that had not been completely exorcised? The project of 10 years of “Jana Yuddha” or people’s war remained unfinished as it failed to achieve socialism in Nepal. From 1996 to 2006 the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) waged a war against monarchy and entrenched feudalism in Nepali society. A half-baked ‘revolution’ was served to the larger Nepali masses resulting in the swift revival of counter-revolution as is visible now. Is not Nepal’s current conjuncture the defining point of this revival?
As revolutionary intellectual, Clara Zetkin stated: “Fascism is just punishment for our failure to make the revolution”.[1] In Nepal’s context the failed or unfinished project of “proletarian revolution” was the deviation towards accepting an abstract and formal democracy. It was a democracy on paper without any substantive radical social transformation in the everyday life of Nepali people. It educated the great masses of Nepalese people the value of politics. In that, the greatest political lesson being that it exposed the ideological non-clarity of the Maoist leadership. Rather it was the leadership responsible for liquidation of Maoist movement and its stated political objective of revolutionary social transformation. Thanks to the Maoist party led people’s movement, the prolonged long march of people’s war was a de-facto struggle against Monarchy that finally gave a death knell in its abolition. But to no avail, only on paper without undercutting or undermining the very social base of aristocracy. The social base of feudal relations with sharp class-caste divide is still a gigantic obstacle to any progressive force in Nepal to reckon with. Without smashing feudalism and its stranglehold, how will Monarchy and aristocratic royalty be “abolished”? This crisis in the Maoist leadership had already been pointed out by Indian Maoists, particularly by Kisenji when the Nepalese Maoists initiated the process of peace agreements with the government. It goes without saying that an aristocratic reaction was imminent to show its tints at any given time in Nepal. These days the call to reinstate Monarchy in Nepal is a logical fall out of what Maoists had sown in their hurried and hasty effort in their road to steer political power.
Since the challenge of Monarchy is taking place in the concrete conditions of present political conjuncture let us assess it in its given conditions. The current challenge posed by the forces of Monarchy and aristocratic royalty are something worth noticing and demands a closer scrutiny. The key to explain recent pro-Monarchy protests lies in these pending socio-economic issues crippling the body-politic of Nepal in last many years. Democracy is not a magical wand that would miraculously set aside all the evils of society once instituted. So let us look at these issues closely to make sense of what actually cripples Nepal’s dwarfed democratic process.
Socio-Political Issues
I will address and highlight issues that have been of immense crisis in Nepal in recent times. Unlike the rhetoric invented by the aristocratic forces the social and political issues affect the people across classes, region, castes, and religion. Mostly the poor are deeply affected by these impending crises. Monarchy emerged as a kind of an “empty signifier”[2] that mediates all the varied social economic issues and crises into a phrase-mongering alternative of “Hindu Monarchical state”, under the leadership of Gyanendra Shah. But so far, people at large have rejected the reactionary attempt to replace the existing constitution with silly fantasy for Monarchy. But an overview of the impending socio-economic crisis that has led to this situation need to be furnished. This is also the moment where radical left forces (if any) can fill the political vacuum in Nepal to seize the opportunity to take over and completely dismantle any kind of counter-revolutionary maneuvers in future. The absence of radical-left alternative has given way to forces of monarchy and aristocracy. Rastriya Prajatantrik Party the political force spearheading the ongoing protests in Kanthmandu, capital of Nepal has nothing concrete to offer to the Nepalease people to the impending maliace in the body-politic of the country. Therefore, it is relying on some nostalgic and almost mythic political discourse of “going back to our roots”. They have least vision related to issues of health care, education, unemployment, social and economic inequalities, urban rural divide and the specific problems of Nepal – lack of industrialization, slack economy, under-development, migration, unemployment, lack of representation of oppressed social groups in public institutions etc.
Corruption: Nepal has emerged as hotbed of political and economic corruption. This fact has been highlighted by many civil organizations. Taking advantage of this corruption crisis the pro-aristocratic forces want to take ahead their campaign against republican democracy altogether.
Corruption is a symptom of a larger systemic problem. For a larger populist movement to capture the mood of the common people the discourse of ‘corruption’ becomes a kind of “empty-signifier”[3] is similar to Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement in India almost a decade ago – therefore what happens is that politics gets reduced to technocratic quick-fix corporate management. Nepal seems to be heading the way of quick fix than settling scores with the systemic problems that afflict the body-politic.
Reports of involvement of political leaders and big business in the corruption in the cases related to huge financial investments like airports and huge infrastructure cannot be overlooked. The media reports and various international reports on such financial malpractices have become common. Government’s own anti-graft institutions of checks and balances have adhered to various such cases particularly related to political linkages in financial malpractices.
Lack of economic Development: Nepal’s Kathmandu centric development continues even after the adoption of republic, it is the largest phenomenon that has been single handedly inherited from the era of monarchy into the new republic. Kathmandu is the political and economic power house of the country. All the benefits of governance and development are concentrated in the hands of the urban elites who reside in the city with all the governance capacities and infrastructure at their disposal. That is where business and economic growth starts and ends. On the other hand, country’s large masses remain pushed in the small towns and villages, deprived from development. Without roads and connectivity of public transportation, especially the larger hinterland and country side remain disconnected, left without proper access to basic aspects of a modern economy – public health care system, education, infrastructure and other economic opportunities. The countryside still remains down-and-out.
Political instability – Nepal suffers democratic anarchy and lack of national power. The ongoing crisis in Nepal has much to do with the lack of “political stability”. Commentators and “analysts” have taken pains to inscribe a meaning to the ongoing quagmire in the nation by attributing some kind of lack of political stability, and whatever that phrase mean. What actually hold true is the political unity of the ruling class in Nepal on certain aspects of the nature of its polity. The actualization of “political stability” would actually mean the abrogation and abjuring of dependence on mercy of its neighbors – mainly China and India. That is when Nepali ruling classes ceases its comprador character and stands firm for its sovereignty. Benefiting from all the big brothers –India, China, and other political entities, Nepalese ruling classes actually has its class interest tied in retaining this ongoing democratic anarchy that prevails in the country. If there was any truth in the political project of Nepalese revolution, it was the commitment to make Nepal independent and truly cease to remain a cog in the wheel of the global capitalism and its regional manifestations. The claim of the monarchy is that it is the better and efficient force that can tread on the ongoing democratic anarchy.
Unemployment – Nepal’s economy is basically dependent on tourism. The country remains largely agrarian with miniscule industrialization and modernization of economy. It is not directly connected to the chain of imperialism but remains the “weak link” in this chain. By weak we mean it is imperialism’s weakest point where it has no vibrant presence in terms of its institutions etc. With agriculture as the main stay of the economy, the rural agrarian relations form the dominant entity that feeds more than two-thirds of the overall GDP of the country. With agriculture still in the clutches of the traditional forms of farming techniques the means of production constitute feudal ties and more than 70 percent of population still caught in the quagmire of agrarian distress. Lack of modernization has left the rural country-side to no less than hand to mouth existence. The dearth of industry and virtually marginal existence of modern capital intensive industry has only left the country in the spiral loop of economic distress and crisis.[4]
The fall out of these economic conditions is the high level of unemployment, especially among the youth who do not identify with traditional forms of economic activity which is labour intensive without a decent income. A dataset collected by Macrotrends, the latest, states that unemployment rate in Nepal in the year 2023 was 10.69%,[5] a year later in 2024 according to a survey by The Kathmandu Post the rate of unemployment surged to 12.60 %.[6]
Youth unemployment rate as registered by research in London School of Economics shows joblessness among the young at a staggering high. For instance, in the year 2022, the unemployment rate especially among the young shot up to 20.52 %.[7]
Migration – In search of fleeting rescue from the economic conditions and in search of better economic opportunities, Nepal’s youth are susceptible to migration to other countries abroad for wages. Therefore, remittances are one of the morale boosters, occupying a significant chunk of Nepal’s overall GDP. It accounts an average of 26% of the total GDP of the country.[8]
Nepal is a highly caste organized society. The strict regulation of everyday life along the ideological frame of caste is no secret. With the formal adoption of the 2015 Constitution, basic constitutional rights, with a clear cut secular-republican form of government has pushed the traditional elites on a back-foot. Along with that the introduction of federal structure provides some amount of decentralization of power and autonomy to the people in the provinces – mainly the eastern Nepal tribal areas and madhesh-terai that have largely remained outside of the political processes of the nation. It is a step away from erstwhile Kathmandu centered political structuring. Over the years a whipping of threat perception has built up among the aristocratic upper class/caste elites. They feel threatened by the formal rights extended to lower castes and women, their empowerment and ultimately challenge to the traditional caste rules; and those sections of the people who have hitherto remained outside the power-politics of Kathmandu. Is this not a solid reason to ponder upon the revivalist moment in Nepal? How is the claim to Hindu Nepal as fall out of this factor?
Federalism – prior to 2008 adoption of parliamentary democracy Nepalese state was organized with extreme centralization of political power in Kathmandu, the capital. Adoption of federal division of power and decentralization of power has seen a churning of political process leading to some bargaining power extended to eastern parts of Nepal (traditionally almost invisible in the corridors of power) and people in the southern terai and plains often colloquially referred as “madheshi” have bargaining foothold as provinces have a stake in democratic processes vis-à-vis the government in Kathmandu. Federalism in Nepal was envisioned as a political measure to address the historical disparity between the various caste groups, ethnicity and minorities in the country, not to mention the gender gap. In the east the jana-jatis (tribal-ethnic communities) have historically remained excluded and discriminated by the majority hindu upper caste population who reside in the urban centers of the country. The ethnic divide is further permeated by the regional and urban-rural divide, majority of the ethnic tribal communities historically cornered in the rural areas. Therefore, federalism was invented as an antidote to this long drawn systemic inequality and power imbalance, to foster political power decentralized along provinces and local level intended to finally overcome the age old unitary and centralized power structure. Similarly, the intention of evolving federal structure was to address the alienation of the people in the southern region. Over time, as political processes has unfolded and experimented over last one decade, the traditional elites, particularly the aristocratic and upper caste sections of Nepali society has felt threatened with these measures and fearing the erosion of their age old ordained social status in their habitus have coiled back to find security in the earlier aristocratic system of Monarchy.
Note on right-wing Populism
We live in an age of right-wing upsurge. The global context of surge in extreme right-wing populists cannot be ruled out in coming to terms with the political developments in Nepal or south-Asia in general. The revivalist politics of monarchy has a credit to rise of Hindutva forces in India. The open embracing of India’s ruling BJP in favour of “hindu-state” is not a secret. The close connection of Nepal’s aristocracy with BJP’s leaders has raised many obvious questions. Rather, the Hindu nationalist organization RSS and BJP understands Nepal’s monarchy as a close political and cultural ally in this subcontinent, since its inception. BJP leaders have publicly endorsed Nepal’s Hindu State since its rise during the late-1980. Till date the holy nexus and bonhomie between RSS-BJP and the Nepali monarchy has remained in its certainty.[9]
The claim of ongoing protests is actually modern nation-state centric. Although its discourse employs traditional symbolism of Monarchy and aristocracy, it has very modern territorial, nation framework in its political project of establishing Hindu-state.
Rightwing populism in the west is specific to the material conditions of those countries. For instance, Brexit in Britain, Germany’s far right upsurge riding on the anti-immigrant rhetoric, similarly in Hungary, Poland, Austria and other European countries, populism has always remained nation-state as the guiding light. It wants to strengthen and purify the nation-state, seeks to fortify it and treats it as the home of its political base. Populism takes a particular political form specific to the social historical problems of a country. But the inner logic or universal essence of populism is applicable across border and continents.
Nepal is no exception to this global phenomenon. The monarchy is using the populist logic of fortifying the nation-state to its core.
Real issues of the people
Apart from the pro-monarchy protests, there are many other protests that are taking place alongside in Kathmandu. But those protests have been sidelined in both the mainstream national and international media landscape. For instance, the largest protest parallel to the pro-Monarchy protests is the one related to the educational reforms that is being introduced by new legislations. These protests were spearheaded by school teachers addressing the funding of schools in Nepal and major educational reforms to which these teachers and their platform have been quite successful to bend the government to their demands. The government had agreed to accept their demands mostly to do with the budget and financial allocation of funds for teachers.
Absence of radical-left
For the political left, radicalism is but a grand single-day event of people hitting the streets in thousands.
The real and challenging question is the everyday life the day after revolution and the capturing of state-power. Slavoj Zizek refers to the movie “V for Vendetta” where, finally at the end masses hit the streets and take over political institutions. But what would be the day after revolution? How to address the social problems, in Nepal’s context; caste oppression, racial discrimination, gender based inequalities, the sustained amount of dedication required for a long term stability to maintain the process of revolution forward? The absence of a formidable radical-left as an alternative to the established official version of left parties has not yet arrived. It has not yet taken a form delinked from those in the mainstream corridors of power. People effectively perceive all the crises a result of “left-adventurism” and resultant disillusionment with the very political project of radical social transformation. Masses can sense the incapability of the left in power. Masses perceive the left and the whole political project no less than disaster piece.
Herein lay the mantra of why people do get mobilized by myths of security and stability in a non-world entity like the monarchy. It is a failed and outdated political arrangement, but is packaged with the outer shell of emotion and nostalgia about securing the great ‘past’.
The Hegelian ‘wound’
“Die wound sliegst der, speer nur der zie slug…” (The Spear that wreaks the wound is the one that heals the wound…” stated by Richard Wagner (Parsifal) the great German music composer fits here well. Isn’t the case of Nepal the same? It is wounded by the long drawn people’s war and as a result of it a democratic republican Nepal. But the healing is not possible in Monarchy it is in the very spear i.e. democratic republican form it’s wound would be healed.
But what is the “wound” that Nepal is afflicted with? What is its nature and why it should be seen not as a disease but as a kind of opportunity? Nepal’s wound is the illusive sense of being uprooted from its ‘real identity’ of being the ‘only Hindu State’ in the world. This self-flagellation and guilt of overthrown Monarchy and the loss of identity thereby in the post-revolution is the ‘wound’. But this wound has a dialectical good side which the advocates of Monarchy in Nepal deliberately happen to overlook. The other side of the wound helped Nepal to overcome the burden of an age old identity imposed from above. It is only in the new political identity as a nation committed to republican values and social democratic spirit, that the real identity of Nepal could be established. The mirage of classicism and mythological self-centered assertion of Monarchy is a sentimental nostalgia for a deeply ideological construct.
The great German thinker Ernst Bloch,[10] characterized the subjective “selflessness” of proletarian worker under capitalism as a wonderful opportunity to become something new and greater than the subject of capitalism in his book On Karl Marx.[11] Only with the arrival of a wound like capitalist modernity can a subject identify itself with communism. Capitalism in that sense is the window to a future, i.e. communism. Similarly, only the spear of Nepal’s Republic that has inflicted the “wound” can heal the Nepal of today.
Political identity emerges only through a thorough going process in the loss of self. It is only through this experience of absolute self-destitution that a political subject emerges. In the context of Nepal it is the experience of losing the traditional identity imposed by caste, race, class etc. overcoming it and becoming a destitute can a new beginning as a citizen-subject could be achieved. But what is happening in recent times in Nepal is the call to go back to the recovery of that very Monarchy induced identity against which the majority of people had declared war against.
Dr Chepal Sherpa is a scholar of political philosophy. He is a writer and political activist.
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[1] Quoted in Aijaz Ahmad lecture titled – Communalisms: Changing Forms and Fortunes, “The Marxist” (2013). p.4. (Online link here: https://cpim.org/wp-content/uploads/old/marxist/201302-aijaz-communalism.pdf )
[2] See Laclau, Ernesto, defines “empty signifier” as a “signification without a signifier”, Laclau employs this concept to show how in politics the idea of “the people” is formed.
Chapter: Why do Empty Signifiers Matter in Politics? – https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781315095066-53/empty-signifiers-matter-politics-ernesto-laclau
[3] Jacques Lacan’s concept of ‘empty-signifier’ suggests for various meaning contained in a single entity. In political theory, Ernesto Laclau introduced the psychoanalytic concept of signification in explaining political power and ideological hegemony of the ruling class in modern times. – see Laclau, On Populist Reason, (London: Veros Books, 2005) and Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso Books)
[4] For a historical analysis of Nepalese economy and society, see — Baburam Bhattarai, “The Nature of Underdevelopment and Regional Structure of Nepal” (2003)
[5] Online Link here:
https://www.macrotrends.net/global-metrics/countries/npl/nepal/unemployment-rate
[6] Online link:
[7] Online link here:
https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2024/09/02/how-development-failures-fuel-labour-exodus-in-nepal/
[8] Online link here:
https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2024/09/02/how-development-failures-fuel-labour-exodus-in-nepal/
[9] Link here:
https://jacobin.com/2024/06/nepal-hindutva-religion-constitution-india
[10] Who is Ernst Bloch?
Link: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/bloch/
[11] Ernst Bloch, On Karl Marx, (London: Verso Books)
