
Abstract
The assertion that Islam inherently restricts women from leadership roles, particularly in the political sphere, is a pervasive myth that has cast a long shadow over Muslim societies and global perceptions. This paper embarks on a comprehensive hermeneutical journey to dismantle this misconception. By meticulously synthesizing Quranic exegesis, critical hadith analysis, historical evidence of female leadership, and contemporary realities, it will demonstrate that Islam, when understood through its foundational texts and ethical imperatives, not only permits but can actively support women’s engagement in all levels of leadership. This exploration aims to unveil a mandate for female participation that has often been obscured by centuries of patriarchal interpretations and cultural accretions, arguing that the intellectual and spiritual resources within Islam itself provide a robust framework for affirming women’s full political and societal agency. We will delve into the Quran’s egalitarian principles, re-examine the celebrated leadership of Queen Sheba, critically deconstruct the most commonly cited prohibitive hadith, and survey the landscape of past and present Muslim women leaders who defy the myth, thereby reclaiming a narrative of empowerment rooted in Islamic teachings.
Women’s Political Rights in the Quran
This paper undertakes a comprehensive hermeneutical exploration to argue that the Quran, when interpreted holistically, contextually, and through a justice-centred lens, provides a significant, often historically obscured, mandate for women’s full political rights and participation. It challenges traditional patriarchal exegeses that have limited women’s public roles, contending that these interpretations frequently stem from cultural accretions rather than inherent Quranic principles.
The hermeneutical framework employed is multifaceted, emphasizing linguistic analysis of Arabic terms, historical contextualization, thematic coherence, and the prioritization of Maqasid al-Shariah (higher objectives like justice, public welfare, equality). It also involves a critical re-evaluation of classical tafsir through ijtihad (independent reasoning), distinguishing universal principles from historically contingent applications.
The Quran establishes fundamental equality between men and women. Ontologically, humanity originates from a “single soul” (4:1), and true nobility before God is based on piety (taqwa), not gender (49:13). Spiritually and morally, men and women are equally accountable and eligible for divine reward (33:35, 4:124). This equality implies a shared capacity for roles requiring moral and intellectual competence, including political ones. Furthermore, the Quranic concept of Khilafah (stewardship on earth, e.g., 2:30, 35:39) is a collective human mandate, not exclusively male; excluding women would impede the fulfilment of this divine trust. These foundational principles create an ethical bedrock upon which specific arguments for women’s political participation can be firmly established, challenging any interpretation that seeks to create inherent gender-based hierarchies in societal roles.
Key Quranic Arguments and Evidences for Political Rights:
- Mutual Guardianship and Public Responsibility (9:71): This pivotal verse states, “The believing men and believing women are awliya’ (allies/protectors/supporters) of one another. They enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong.” The term awliya’ signifies a reciprocal, non-hierarchical partnership. The duty to “enjoin right and forbid wrong” is a core political and social function, explicitly assigned to both genders, validating their active participation in public discourse, social governance, and political activism. This directly refutes notions confining women exclusively to the private sphere and lays the groundwork for their inclusion in all aspects of societal management.
- The Precedent of Queen Bilqis (27:23-44): The Quran positively portrays the Queen of Sheba as a sovereign ruler (imra’atan tamlikuhum, 27:23), praised for her wisdom, consultative governance (shura with her chieftains, 27:32), and diplomatic skill. The narrative contains no critique of her leadership based on her gender. Her eventual submission to God is presented as a culmination of her wisdom. This provides a direct Quranic example implicitly endorsing female political leadership based on competence and just principles. The significance of this narrative is so profound that a more detailed analysis will be undertaken in a subsequent section to fully appreciate its implications for female leadership.
- The Political Significance of Women’s Pledge of Allegiance (Q.60:12): The Quran instructs Prophet Muhammad to accept the bay’ah directly from believing women. This pledge was a socio-political contract signifying acceptance of leadership and commitment to the Islamic state’s principles. It established women as independent moral and political agents, capable of making autonomous political decisions and forming a direct citizen-state relationship, unmediated by male relatives. This act confirms their political personhood and right to civic engagement, affirming their status as active stakeholders in the polity.
- Shura (Consultation) as an Inclusive Principle (42:38, 3:159): The Quran mandates consultation in community affairs (“whose affair is [determined by] consultation among themselves,” 42:38) using inclusive, non-gender-specific language. As integral members of the believing community, women’s inclusion in deliberative and decision-making processes is implied. The Prophet’s own consultation with his wife Umm Salama at Hudaybiyyah, a critical juncture where her insightful advice resolved a tense standoff with his companions, underscores the practical value and legitimacy of women’s counsel in critical public and political matters. Excluding women from shura would render the process incomplete and deprive the community of valuable perspectives.
Reclaiming Queen Sheba’s Leadership and Agency
The Quranic narrative of the Queen of Sheba (Bilqis), detailed primarily in Q.27:20-44, presents a compelling figure of female sovereignty, wisdom, and spiritual awakening. Her encounter with Prophet Solomon (Sulayman) is a rich tableau exploring themes of governance, diplomacy, and faith. However, the inherent strength and agency evident in the Quran’s portrayal have often been obscured by traditional interpretations, frequently influenced by patriarchal cultural norms and extra-Quranic Isra’iliyyat (Judeo-Christian lore). These readings tend to diminish her stature, relegating her to a subordinate role or embellishing her story with legends that undermine her independent authority. This necessitates a critical hermeneutical approach, rooted in core Islamic principles like Tawhid (God’s absolute oneness) and Adl (justice), to reread the scripture through a lens affirming human equality and illuminating female agency. This analysis argues that the Quran itself showcases the Queen of Sheba as a powerful model of leadership, directly challenging restrictive interpretations and highlighting the fragility of traditions like the Abu Bakra hadith (“Never will a people succeed who appoint a woman as their leader”) when juxtaposed with the Quran’s own narrative.
This re-reading employs a progressive hermeneutic grounded in fundamental Islamic principles. The Tawhidic paradigm, asserting God’s absolute oneness, implies the ontological equality of all humans, negating any divinely sanctioned gender hierarchy. The Quranic emphasis on justice (Adl) mandates that interpretations perpetuating gender injustice are incompatible with the scripture’s ethical trajectory. This approach demands contextual reading, acknowledging the Quran’s revelation in 7th-century Arabia to distinguish universal principles from context-specific elements. It also necessitates a holistic, intra-textual reading, interpreting verses in light of the entire Quran to avoid bias. Crucially, it involves a critical engagement with traditional exegesis (tafsir), recognizing that commentators, while learned, were products of their time and could reflect cultural biases, including the uncritical incorporation of Isra’iliyyat. This framework aligns with progressive Quranic exegesis, which champions reason (‘Aql), ethical objectives (Maqasid al-Shari’ah), historical consciousness, and a rejection of blind imitation (taqlid), encouraging fresh engagement with the Quran.
Traditional interpretations often frame the Queen’s narrative to reinforce hierarchical structures. Her eventual submission to God (27:44) is frequently conflated with submission to Solomon, downplaying her independent intellectual and spiritual journey. A justice-focused reading emphasizes the Quranic wording: she submits “to God, Lord of the Worlds” (27:44), with the phrase “maʿa sulayman” (with Solomon) signifying shared faith and spiritual equality, not subordination. Extra-Quranic tales of romance or physical scrutiny, absent from the Quran, serve to domesticate her image and are rejected by an approach prioritizing textual integrity. The Quran portrays an encounter between sovereigns, not a romance. Her diplomatic gift (27:35) or her reaction to the altered throne (27:42) and glass floor (27:44) are sometimes misconstrued as weakness or gullibility, rather than rational responses to extraordinary, divinely-enabled events. Dismantling these overlays allows for an appreciation of the Queen as depicted in the Quran.
Analysing Quran 27:20-44 through a justice-oriented lens reveals a figure of remarkable capacity:
- Legitimate Sovereignty (27:23): The Hudhud reports finding “a woman ruling over them and she possesses a mighty throne.” The Quran presents her ruler-ship factually, without condemnation based on her gender. This provides unambiguous Quranic acknowledgment of a woman holding supreme political power.
- Rationality and Consultation (Shura) (27:29-34): Upon receiving Solomon’s letter, she consults her advisors (“O chieftains, advise me… I would not decide a matter until you witness [and advise] me” – 27:32). She then pragmatically assesses the destructive nature of invading kings (27:34), demonstrating a desire to avoid war. This highlights her wisdom, reliance on shura, and prioritization of her people’s welfare, refuting assumptions about women’s unsuitability for leadership.
- Astute Diplomacy (27:35): She sends a gift to Solomon (“I will send to them a gift and see with what [reply] the messengers return”), a calculated diplomatic probe to test his character and avert conflict. This underscores her proactive agency and preference for diplomacy over militarism.
- Intellectual Curiosity (27:41-42): When her throne is subtly altered, her response to Solomon’s question (“Is your throne like this?”) is precise: “[It is] as though it is it.” This shows observation and analytical thinking, countering prejudices about female intellectual capacity.
- Autonomous Spiritual Transformation (27:44): Mistaking Solomon’s glass floor for water, she, upon clarification, declares: “My Lord, indeed I have wronged myself, and I submit with Solomon to God, Lord of the worlds.” Her conversion is a rational choice based on evidence. Her submission (islam) is explicitly “to God” (li-llahi), with “maʿa sulayman” indicating shared faith, not subordination, safeguarding her autonomy.
The Quranic portrayal of Queen Sheba thus serves as a powerful counter-narrative to interpretations seeking to exclude women from leadership. Her story, embedded within the divine text, showcases a woman exercising supreme political authority with wisdom, consultation, and diplomatic skill, ultimately leading her people towards monotheistic truth. This archetype directly challenges the authority and universality of extra-Quranic traditions that argue against female leadership.
Reinterpreting Historically Restrictive Verses and Challenging Prohibitive Hadith
The Quran and hadith have been interpreted in diverse ways regarding women’s public and political roles, with some verses and narrations historically cited to restrict their participation. A critical re-examination of these texts, using a robust hermeneutical approach, involves analysing their context, linguistic nuances, and alignment with the Quran’s broader egalitarian principles. Below, I address key verses and hadith commonly invoked to limit women’s roles, offering a critical perspective grounded in textual analysis and historical context.
- 4:34 (Qiwamah): This verse, stating men are “qawwamuna’ ‘ala an-nisa’,” is argued to be primarily about familial financial responsibility within its marital context, linked to men’s historical role as providers (“because they spend from their wealth”). The term qawwamun implies care, support, and management of household affairs, particularly financial, rather than absolute authority or inherent superiority. It does not intrinsically confer absolute male political authority over women in society, especially when societal roles evolve and women also become financial contributors or sole providers. The scope of qiwamah is domestic and conditional, not a universal dictum for public political hierarchy.
- 2:228 (Darajah): The “degree” (darajah) men have over women is mentioned specifically within the context of divorce proceedings, particularly concerning the waiting period (`iddah) and the right of reconciliation. It pertains to specific rights and responsibilities within marital dissolution and should not be extrapolated to imply general female subordination in all spheres of life, including political participation, where competence and justice are the primary criteria.
- 2:282 (Women’s Testimony): The requirement of two women in place of one man for witnessing financial contracts (so one can remind the other if she errs – “an tadilla ihdahuma fatudhakkira ihdahuma al-ukhra”) is contextualized as a practical measure for accuracy in a domain historically less familiar to women in 7th-century Arabia, due to societal norms limiting their engagement in commerce. It is not a statement of inherent intellectual inferiority or a universal rule for all forms of testimony. Other contexts (e.g., li’an, 24:6-9, where a wife’s sworn testimony against her husband regarding adultery is given equal weight to his) treat a woman’s testimony with full, independent validity. Furthermore, many contemporary scholars argue that if a woman is an expert in a financial field, her testimony should be considered equal to a man’s.
These reinterpretations emphasize context, linguistic precision, and the Quran’s overarching themes of justice and equality, preventing isolated verses from undermining broader principles.
A Scholarly Critique of the Abu Bakra Hadith on Women’s Leadership
A narration attributed to the Companion Abu Bakra al-Thaqafi, stating, “Never will a people prosper who entrust their affairs to a woman,” has profoundly influenced Islamic jurisprudence and socio-political thought for centuries. Recorded in authoritative collections like Sahih al-Bukhari, this hadith has frequently been invoked as a primary textual justification for excluding women from positions of leadership, particularly supreme political authority, in many Muslim societies. Its perceived authenticity has lent it considerable weight, contributing to systemic barriers against women’s full participation in public life. However, rigorous scholarly examination, employing classical Islamic tools of hadith criticism alongside historical-contextual analysis, has revealed significant vulnerabilities in this narration. This critique will scrutinize its transmission, the reliability and motivations of its narrator, its relationship with Quranic principles, and its standing within the broader landscape of early Islamic history and classical scholarship. The objective is to demonstrate that this hadith, when subjected to meticulous analysis, appears too epistemologically fragile and historically contingent to serve as an immutable and universal prohibition against women’s leadership.
- The Hadith in Question: Context, Content, and Traditional Impact
The hadith, as transmitted by Abu Bakra, reports that the Prophet Muhammad made the statement upon learning that the people of Persia had appointed a daughter of Khosrow, Burandukht (Boran), as their queen around 630 CE. Abu Bakra claimed to have recalled this specific Prophetic utterance nearly three decades later, during the Battle of the Camel in 656 CE. This battle was a pivotal event in the First Fitna (civil war), where Aisha, the Prophet’s widow, played a leading role in an opposition movement against Caliph Ali ibn Abi Talib. Abu Bakra asserted that this remembered hadith was the reason he refrained from joining Aisha’s forces, implying a divinely ordained lack of success for any endeavour led by a woman.
Given its inclusion in Sahih al-Bukhari (Hadith 4425, 7099), a highly esteemed Sunni hadith compilation, this narration has garnered substantial theological and legal weight. Classical jurists like Ibn Hazm, al-Mawardi, and al-Qastalani leveraged it to assert that headship of state (imamah/khilafah) was an exclusively male domain, an interpretation that often extended to other forms of public leadership. This has created a lasting theological obstacle to women’s political ambitions, with many conservative scholars still citing it as definitive proof against female governance. Notably, Ibn Rushd (Averroes, d. 1198 CE), a Maliki jurist and philosopher, presented a dissenting view, supporting women’s participation in public affairs. He argued that the “degree” mentioned in Q.2:228 was context-specific, not a universal barrier to leadership, and emphasized the Quran’s focus on competence and justice (4:58) over gender. - Critique 1: Epistemological Fragility – The Single-Narrator (Ahad) Dilemma
A foundational critique of the Abu Bakra hadith centres on its classification as khabar al-wahid or ahad. In the meticulous science of hadith criticism (‘ilm al-hadith), an ahad report is one transmitted by a single individual or a very limited number of narrators at one or more stages of its chain of transmission (isnad), particularly at the level of the Companions. This contrasts sharply with a mutawatir hadith, which is narrated by a substantial number of individuals at each stage, making collusion or collective error virtually impossible. Mutawatir narrations are considered to yield definitive, certain knowledge (ilm qat’i), while ahad reports, even if deemed authentic (sahih) based on formal criteria (reliable narrators, continuous chain), are generally held to provide only probable or speculative knowledge (ilm zanni).
Scholarly critique emphasizes that a prohibition of such immense societal consequence – effectively barring half the Muslim population from key leadership roles based on gender – should ideally rest upon the highest level of textual certainty. If such a fundamental and universally binding Islamic principle were intended, it would be expected to be widely known and disseminated through numerous independent channels, thus achieving mutawatir status. The reliance on Abu Bakra as the sole Companion narrating this specific prohibitive statement is, therefore, a significant epistemological weakness.
Within Islamic jurisprudence, while ahad hadiths are generally accepted for deriving practical rulings in areas like worship or personal law, their application in establishing core tenets of faith or far-reaching legal principles that affect public order and fundamental rights has been subject to greater caution and debate. The argument is that the legal and social edifice built upon this single narration is disproportionate to its epistemological foundation. - Critique 2: Scrutinizing the Narrator – Abu Bakra’s Reliability and Political Context
Further critical inquiry focuses intensely on the sole primary narrator, Abu Bakra Nufay‘ ibn al-Harith al-Thaqafi, examining his personal history, character, and the specific political milieu in which he reportedly recalled and disseminated this hadith.
Abu Bakra’s claim to remember the Prophet’s statement about the Persian queen specifically during the Battle of the Camel (656 CE) has drawn considerable scholarly suspicion. Critics question why this crucial Prophetic guidance only surfaced at this precise moment of intense political crisis involving a prominent female leader, Aisha. This delayed recollection has led to strong arguments suggesting political opportunism. By narrating this hadith after Aisha’s faction was defeated, Abu Bakra could legitimize his inaction, align with the victors, and discredit female political agency. This contextual analysis suggests that the hadith’s emergence might be more closely tied to the specific power struggles of the First Fitna than to a pristine transmission of Prophetic wisdom. - Critique 3: Testimonial Incapacity – The Quranic Verdict of Surah 24, Verse 4
Perhaps the most compelling challenge to Abu Bakra’s credibility as a narrator stems from a historically documented incident involving him. During the caliphate of Umar ibn al-Khattab, Abu Bakra was one of several men who accused al-Mughira ibn Shu’ba of adultery (zina) but failed to produce the four unambiguous eyewitnesses required.
The Quran 24:4, lays down a clear ruling: “And those who accuse chaste women and then do not produce four witnesses – lash them with eighty lashes and do not accept from them testimony ever after. And those are the defiantly disobedient (al-fasiqun).”
Caliph Umar had Abu Bakra flogged. The critical part, “wa-la taqbalu lahum shahadatan abadan” – “and do not accept from them testimony ever after,” permanently disqualifies an individual convicted of qadhf (false accusation) from being a reliable witness. If his general testimony (shahada) is invalid by Quranic decree, his specific religious testimony in transmitting hadith becomes profoundly compromised. The irony is stark: a man whose legal testimony was invalidated by the Quran became the sole primary source for a tradition used to severely restrict women’s public roles. - Critique 4: Echoes of Scepticism in Classical Islamic Scholarship
Critical reservations about this hadith are not merely modern. Scholars like Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (d. 923 CE) permitted women to be judges in all matters, citing the Quranic Queen of Sheba as a positive example, implicitly prioritizing Quranic precedent over this isolated hadith. Al-Tabari’s stance indicates the universal prohibition derived from the Abu Bakra hadith was not unanimously accepted even among classical authorities. - Critique 5: Dissonance with the Broader Quranic Ethos and Historical Precedents
The hadith’s prohibitive message is in tension with the Quran’s spirit. The Quran contains no explicit verse prohibiting women from leadership. Instead, as discussed, it features the Queen of Sheba (27:23-44) positively. General Quranic principles emphasize justice (adl), consultation (shura – 42:38, 3:159), piety (taqwa – 49:13), knowledge, and competence as criteria for responsibility, not gender. Quran 9:71 assigns mutual responsibility to believing men and women in upholding societal good. Early Islamic history, with figures like Aisha bint Abi Bakr and Shifa bint Abdullah (market inspector), shows active female participation in public life.
The cumulative weight of these critiques—its ahad status, questions about Abu Bakra’s credibility (24:4), political opportunism, classical scholarly reservations, and dissonance with Quranic principles and history—renders the Abu Bakra hadith highly problematic as an immutable prohibition. It appears more a product of historical contingency than a timeless decree.
The Role of Sunnah, Maqasid, and Ijtihad
The Prophetic Sunnah, when critically assessed beyond isolated and problematic hadith like Abu Bakra’s, shows instances of women’s active public engagement. Aisha’s scholarly and political role, Umm Salama’s counsel, and Shifa bint Abdullah’s appointment as market inspector by Caliph Umar are prime examples. The emphasis on Maqasid al-Shari’ah (the higher objectives of Islamic law—such as justice, public welfare/maslaha, human dignity, equality, and preservation of intellect) provides a crucial hermeneutical compass. Interpretations that lead to injustice, marginalization, or hinder public welfare by excluding competent individuals based on gender run contrary to these Maqasid.
Ijtihad (independent juristic reasoning) is vital for re-evaluating classical rulings often influenced by patriarchal socio-cultural norms of their times. It allows for distinguishing timeless principles from historically contingent applications. Challenging the dominant interpretation of the Abu Bakra hadith, for instance, involves contextualizing its specific historical reference (the instability of the Sasanian Persian empire and its succession crisis) and weighing it against broader, more definitive Quranic evidence like the narrative of Bilqis and principles of equality and justice. This dynamic process ensures Islamic teachings remain relevant and just in evolving socio-political landscapes, including modern political structures.
Muslim Women as Political Leaders
The theoretical and textual arguments for women’s leadership in Islam find tangible expression in the annals of history. Contrary to the myth of perpetual female absence from corridors of power, numerous Muslim women have wielded significant political authority. These women ruled as sultanas, malikas, or influential figures, often navigating patriarchal structures to assert their authority.
- Sultana Radiyya (Raziya al-Din, r. 1236–1240 CE) – Delhi Sultanate: Daughter of Sultan Iltutmish, appointed successor due to her competence. Proclaimed sultana, her rule legitimized through the khutba. Ruled openly, led military campaigns, promoted education. Deposed and killed due to noble opposition.
- Malika Asma bint Shihab al-Sulayhiyya (r. 1047–1066 CE) – Sulayhid Dynasty, Yemen: Co-ruler with her husband, Ali al-Sulayhi. Assumed greater authority after his death, ruling with her son. Known for intelligence, attended councils unveiled, managed diplomacy and military.
- Malika Arwa bint Ahmad al-Sulayhiyya (r. 1067–1138 CE) – Sulayhid Dynasty, Yemen: Daughter-in-law of Asma, became sole ruler. Sovereignty recognized through the khutba. Skilled administrator, promoted trade, agriculture, Ismaili doctrine. Her 50-year reign was marked by stability.
- Sitt al-Mulk (d. 1023 CE) – Fatimid Dynasty, Egypt: Sister of Caliph Al-Hakim, wielded influence as regent after his disappearance, securing the throne for her nephew. Managed Fatimid politics, stabilized the caliphate. An example of power without formal sovereignty.
- Khayzuran (d. 789 CE) – Abbasid Dynasty, Baghdad: Wife of Caliph Al-Mahdi, mother of Caliphs Al-Hadi and Harun al-Rashid. Rose from slavery, effectively co-ruled, influenced policies, and secured sons’ succession. Challenges stereotype of passive harem women.
- Island Queens of the Maldives and Indonesia (Various, 13th–17th Centuries): There are other female rulers like Khadija (r. 1347–1380) in the Maldives and queens in Aceh. They governed maritime trade hubs, managing economies. Shows diversity of female leadership in regions with less rigid patriarchal norms.
- Shajar al-Durr (died 1257 CE): A figure of remarkable ascent, from slave to the Sultana of Egypt in the 13th century. She formally ruled after the death of her husband, Ayyubid Sultan al-Salih Ayyub, and her brief but significant reign as a female monarch is a key example of a woman holding the highest political office. Shajar al-Durr played a crucial role during the critical transition from Ayyubid to Mamluk rule, demonstrating sharp political acumen.
The legacy of these queens, though often obscured by biased historiography, powerfully illustrates that female political leadership has a precedent within Islamic civilization, directly contradicting the notion that it is an alien or prohibited concept.
Muslim Women Pioneers in Transformative Fields
Diverse Manifestations of Leadership: Impactful Muslim Women Throughout History
The capacity for leadership and transformative impact has never been confined solely to the political arena. Muslim women, throughout history, have demonstrated exceptional prowess and vision, excelling and leading in a multitude of fields including education, science, engineering, commerce, and social reform. Their pioneering work often laid foundational structures for societal advancement, showcasing intellectual brilliance, the ability to mobilize resources, and an unwavering commitment to inspiring change—qualities essential to any form of impactful leadership. Recognizing these multifaceted contributions is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of women’s agency, shattering persistent stereotypes of Muslim women as merely passive or intellectually limited.
Numerous historical figures exemplify this diverse leadership:
1. Khadija bint Khuwaylid (c. 555 – 619 CE): The first wife of Prophet Muhammad and the first convert to Islam. A highly successful and respected international businesswoman in her own right before her marriage, Khadija’s astute judgment, unwavering belief, emotional support, and substantial material resources were foundational to the Prophet’s mission during its earliest and most vulnerable stages. Her independent status and decisive support represent a significant form of pre-Islamic authority and early Islamic influence.
2. Rufayda al-Aslamiyyah (7th Century): A companion of Prophet Muhammad, widely recognized as the first Muslim nurse. She pioneered formal nursing care, led volunteer nurses on the battlefield, and is credited with developing early mobile medical units, establishing a precedent for organized healthcare.
3. Aisha bint Abi Bakr (c. 613/614 – 678 CE): A prominent wife of Prophet Muhammad, renowned for her profound scholarly authority, particularly in transmitting hadith and Islamic jurisprudence. Her immense political influence was notably demonstrated by her leadership in the Battle of the Camel, a direct contestation for authority whose significance is often re-examined by modern scholarship.
4. Umm Salama (c. 580 or 596 – c. 680 or 683 CE): Another influential wife of the Prophet, esteemed for her wisdom and astute counsel. Her advice, particularly during critical moments like the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah, demonstrably shaped pivotal political and communal decisions, asserting her sagacious authority.
5. Asma bint Abi Bakr (c. 595 – 692 CE): Daughter of the first Caliph, Abu Bakr, and sister of Aisha. Known for her unwavering strength, crucial role during the Hijra (migration to Medina), and steadfast support for her son Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr’s rival caliphate, her life exemplifies profound female participation in major socio-political events.
6. Zaynab bint Ali (c. 626 – 682 CE): Granddaughter of Prophet Muhammad. Her powerful and defiant orations in Kufa and Damascus following the Battle of Karbala, directly challenging the authority of Caliph Yazid, are central to her portrayal as a figure of immense moral, spiritual, and political courage who indelibly shaped the historical narrative of Karbala.
7. Sukayna (Sakina) bint al-Husayn (c. 667 – c. 735 CE): Great-granddaughter of Prophet Muhammad. Celebrated for her wit, intellect, independence, and patronage of poets and scholars, her salons became centres of cultural and intellectual discourse. Her prominent social and cultural influence represented a distinct form of authority and agency, challenging conventional gender roles of her time.
8. Zubaida bint Ja’far (d. 831 CE): Wife of the renowned Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid. She demonstrated remarkable philanthropic vision and engineering oversight by funding and commissioning the “Darb Zubaydah” (Zubaida’s Trail), a sophisticated system of wells, reservoirs, and pilgrim stations that provided water and safety for Hajj pilgrims traveling across Arabia, showcasing advanced hydraulic engineering and resource management.
9. Fatima al-Fihri (d. 880 CE): Visionary founder of the Al-Qarawiyyin mosque and madrasa in Fez, Morocco (859 CE). Her initiative created an institution that evolved into the world’s oldest continually operating, degree-granting university, fostering centuries of scholarship and providing accessible education.
10. Sutayta al-Mahamili (d. 987 CE): A distinguished 10th-century Baghdadi scholar. She excelled in complex mathematics, particularly arithmetic and the intricate calculations of inheritance law (fara’id), and was also a respected expert in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), issuing fatwas and teaching.
11. Mariam al-Asturlabi (al-‘Ijliyah bint al-‘Ijli al-Asturlabi) (10th Century): A Syrian astronomer and artisan from Aleppo. She specialized in crafting and improving astrolabes, sophisticated astronomical instruments vital for timekeeping, qibla determination, and navigation, thereby contributing to advancements in applied astronomy.
12. Queen Amina of Zazzau (c. 1533 – c. 1610 CE): A formidable Hausa warrior queen and ruler of the Zazzau Kingdom (in present-day Nigeria). Renowned for her military prowess, extensive campaigns that expanded Zazzau’s territory and trading influence, and her strategic foresight in commissioning the design and construction of defensive earthen fortifications, known as “Amina’s Walls.”
13. Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864 CE): A highly influential Nigerian scholar, poet, historian, and daughter of Usman dan Fodio, founder of the Sokoto Caliphate. She was a passionate advocate for women’s education, establishing the “Yan Taru” (the Associates) movement—a network of itinerant women teachers who promoted literacy and Islamic knowledge among rural women.
14. Huda Sha‘arawi (1879–1947): A trailblazing Egyptian feminist and nationalist, reshaped women’s roles in Egypt and the broader Arab world through an Islamic feminist framework that harmonized Quranic principles with activism for gender equality. Her establishment of the Egyptian Feminist Union (EFU) in 1923 marked a pivotal moment in Egypt’s women’s movement, as the first organization of its kind in the Arab world. The EFU championed women’s suffrage, education, and reforms to personal status laws—such as marriage, divorce, and custody amplified feminist discourse rooted in Islamic values of equity (Quran 9:71). Sha‘arawi’s activism drew on the Quran’s egalitarian ethos, arguing that Islam inherently grants women equal rights, a stance aligned with classical scholars like Ibn Rushd (d. 1198 CE), who emphasized competence over gender (Quran 4:58), and Al-Tabari (d. 923 CE), who upheld the Queen of Sheba’s leadership (Quran 27:23-44) as evidence of women’s capability. Sha‘arawi’s vision extended regionally through the Arab Feminist Union (1945), advocating for women’s rights and Palestinian nationalism, and globally through speeches in Rome and Istanbul, framing feminism within an Islamic framework. Though immediate successes, like suffrage, were limited post-independence, her efforts paved the way for milestones like compulsory girls’ education and women’s university attendance by the 1920s. Sha‘arawi’s legacy, fusing feminist activism, nationalist zeal, and Islamic principles, endures as a beacon of gender justice, dismantling colonial and patriarchal barriers while inspiring generations across the Arab world.
These women, whether through their entrepreneurial spirit, scholarly achievements, engineering feats, social reforms, artistic patronage, or direct political rule, not only achieved personal greatness but also profoundly impacted their societies and, in many instances, the world. Their contributions in establishing educational institutions, engineering critical infrastructure, advancing scientific and legal knowledge, leading social and religious movements, and shaping political landscapes are undeniable testaments to the vast leadership capacities of Muslim women throughout history. Their legacies serve as powerful reminders that talent, vision, and the ability to effect change are not gender-specific and have been vibrantly expressed within diverse Islamic traditions for centuries.
Muslim Women Political Leaders in Modern History
The historical precedent of female leadership in Muslim societies has found renewed expression in the contemporary era. Despite enduring patriarchal structures and restrictive interpretations in some quarters, numerous Muslim women have risen to the highest echelons of political power, serving as presidents and prime ministers. Their ascension often involved navigating complex political landscapes, challenging entrenched norms, and demonstrating exceptional leadership capabilities. This modern cohort of female leaders further shatters the myth that Islam is an insurmountable barrier to women’s political ambition.
- Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan): Prime Minister (1988–1990, 1993–1996). First woman to head a democratic government in a Muslim-majority country.
- Khaleda Zia (Bangladesh): Prime Minister (1991–1996, 2001–2006).
- Tansu Ciller (Turkey): Prime Minister (1993–1996). Turkey’s first and only female Prime Minister.
- Sheikh Hasina Wazed (Bangladesh): Prime Minister (1996–2001, 2009–August 2024). Longest-serving PM in Bangladesh’s history.
- Mame Madior Boye (Senegal): Prime Minister (2001–2002). Senegal’s first female PM.
- Megawati Sukarnoputri (Indonesia): President (2001–2004). First female President of Indonesia.
- Roza Otunbayeva (Kyrgyzstan): President (2010–2011). First female head of state in Central Asia.
- Atifete Jahjaga (Kosovo): President (2011–2016). First female President of Kosovo.
- Cisse Mariam Kaidama Sidibe (Mali): Prime Minister (2011–2012). First female PM of Mali.
- Sibel Siber (Northern Cyprus): Prime Minister (2013). First female PM of Northern Cyprus.
- Aminata Toure (Senegal): Prime Minister (2013–2014).
- Ameenah Gurib-Fakim (Mauritius): President (2015–2018). First woman elected President of Mauritius.
- Halimah Yacob (Singapore): President (2017–2023). First female President of Singapore (a Muslim in a Muslim-minority country).
- Samia Suluhu Hassan (Tanzania): President (2021–present). First female President of Tanzania.
- Najla Bouden Romdhane (Tunisia): Prime Minister (2021–2023). First female PM in Tunisia and the Arab world.
- Vjosa Osmani (Kosovo): President (2021–present). Second female President of Kosovo.
The presence of these women in top leadership positions across diverse Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority nations underscores that governance by women is a practical reality. While their tenures and impacts vary, their very existence challenges the theological arguments used to bar women from such roles, demonstrating that electorates and political systems in these countries have, at various times, found female leadership acceptable and desirable.
Contemporary Relevance and the Path Forward
The hermeneutical re-evaluation of Islamic texts, coupled with the historical and contemporary evidence of women’s leadership, holds profound relevance today. Feminist Islamic scholarship and reformist approaches increasingly champion such reinterpretations, advocating for gender justice and equality rooted in the Quran’s core message and the Maqasid al-Shariah. This involves moving beyond literalist and patriarchal readings to embrace a more holistic, ethical, and context-sensitive understanding of Islamic teachings.
The practical applications and societal acceptance of women in leadership roles vary significantly across the diverse tapestry of Muslim societies. Some nations have seen women attain the highest political offices, while in others, women face severe restrictions on their public participation. This disparity highlights that the barriers are often more socio-cultural and political than inherently religious.
The path forward requires sustained intellectual engagement (ijtihad) to deconstruct patriarchal interpretations and reconstruct an Islamic discourse that unequivocally affirms women’s rights and capabilities. It also necessitates educational reforms to promote critical thinking and gender-just understandings of Islam from a young age. Furthermore, legal and political reforms are essential to dismantle discriminatory laws and policies and to create enabling environments where women can fully participate in all aspects of societal life, including leadership.
Advocacy by women’s rights organizations, progressive scholars, and community leaders is crucial in challenging entrenched patriarchal norms and in popularizing interpretations of Islam that are empowering for women. The Quranic arguments for women’s political rights, such as mutual guardianship (9:71), the precedent of Bilqis, the political bay’ah of women, and inclusive shura, provide a powerful indigenous framework for this advocacy and reform.
We conclude that a holistic, justice-centred hermeneutic of the Quran, supported by a critical assessment of Sunnah and an appreciation of Islamic history, reveals substantial and undeniable support for women’s full political rights and participation. The foundational principles of ontological equality (4:1, 49:13), shared moral and spiritual accountability (33:35), and collective Khilafah (2:30) establish a bedrock for equal partnership. Specific Quranic arguments, including the concept of mutual guardianship (awliya) encompassing the duty to enjoin right and forbid wrong (9:71), the direct political pledge (bay’ah) accepted from women (60:12), and the inclusive nature of consultation (shura) (42:38), collectively form a compelling Quranic case for women’s active role in governance.
The exemplary leadership of the Queen of Sheba (Bilqis), as positively portrayed in the Quran (27:23-44), serves as a divine archetype, implicitly endorsing female sovereignty based on wisdom and justice, directly refuting claims of inherent prohibition. Conversely, textual sources often cited to restrict women, such as verse 4:34 on qiwamah or the Hadith of Abu Bakra, are shown through rigorous critical analysis to be either context-specific, misinterpreted, or epistemologically weak, particularly when weighed against the Quran’s clear pronouncements and overarching objectives (Maqasid) of justice and public welfare.
The historical presence of “Forgotten Queens” like Sultana Radiyya and Malika Arwa, and the contemporary reality of numerous women presidents and prime ministers in Muslim-majority nations, further demonstrate that female leadership is not only a theoretical possibility but a practiced reality within Islamic contexts. The pioneering contributions of Muslim women in education, science, and engineering further attest to their vast capabilities and impact.
Restrictions on women’s leadership, therefore, often stem from entrenched patriarchal interpretations and cultural norms rather than explicit, unequivocal divine prohibitions. Reclaiming and reasserting this “unveiled mandate” is not merely an academic exercise; it is essential for realizing a just, equitable, and flourishing Islamic polity consistent with the Quran’s core ethical vision and the full potential of the Muslim Ummah. The myth of inherent Islamic prohibition is indeed exploded when the tradition is approached with intellectual honesty, critical rigour, and a commitment to justice for all.
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V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. He can be reached at [email protected]