Today on February 11th the Indian Communist movement celebrates the 104th birth anniversary of legendary Comrade Tarimela Nagi Reddy.Without doubt he was one of the most outstanding personalities ever in the history of the Communist movement and arguably contributed more as an architect of the massline than any Indian revolutionary. Imbibing his teachings are important even today when the Indian Communist revolutionary camp is plagued by deviation s of rightist and left -adventurist trends. Throughout his lifetime Nagi Reddy countered revisionism or its neo-revisionist variety at its very base. Few comrades ever exhibited such mastery in analysing the semi-feudal and semi-colonial nature of the Indian state and it’s Neo-fascist variety. Sadly today the Maoist comrades equate the practice and line of Nagi Reddy as ‘Stages Theory’ which separates economic struggle from political practice.

With great ingenuity of an architect or surgeon as leader of the Andhra Pradesh Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries he combated the left adventurist trend of the Charu Mazumdar line of the All India co-ordination Commitee of Communist revolutionaries led by Chrau Mazumdar in 1968 and earlier against the revisionist line of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) .He asserted the need for genuine agrarian revolutionary programme and formulated a concrete critical document of the left adventurist trend. With the tenacity of a boulder and visions .One can never forget his positive role in the struggle for 1000 acres of Banjara lands in Anathapur in 1970’s.in 28 villages, which were in the hands of landlords for 30 years. Three thousand acres of land were distributed to the peasants. With the determination and resolve of a soldier he enforced the Immediate programme in Kurnool,West Godavri and East Godavri districts. At every critical juncture where left adventurism infiltrated the movement TN invested every ounce of energy to bring the movements back to the track.TN also with great precision thwarted the left adventurist policies of Comrade Chandra Pulla Reddy in 1970 who prematurely launched armed squad actions.

He displayed great tactical genius in confronting the neo-fascist regime in the Parvathipuram conspiracy case after being arrested. His practice is a lesson for every political cadre even today in challenging state repression.TN displayed great mastery in galvanising democratic forces after being released from jail in 1972 in the foisted conspiracy case..The speech he delivered in 1969 is amongst the most memorable ever in the history of the Communist movement displaying the fire Communists exuded against Nazi fascists after the burning of the Reichstag.After coming out of jail  in 1972 TN sowed th seeds of the revolutionary movement in Anantapur,Ongole,Guntur,Krishna,Srikakulam, and East Godavri.He travelled around many a region of India be it Punjab,West Bengal.Rajasthan ,Bihar or Uttar Pradesh to nurture comrades in the painstaking manner of a surgeon. With meticulous patience he explained comrades the diversionary and rightist politics of Jayaprakash Narayan led movement in 1974 and the harm of the left adventurist line advocated by Comrade Charu Mazumdar.TN tooth and nail alos opposed the movement for a separate Andhra. He attributed it to diversionary struggles of th ruling classes. In 1973 he also seriously undertook the task of reviving the Girijan Sanghams. A major conference of the Girijan Sangham was organised in the 1970’s.TN called on the Girijans to wage a battle for their land rights.

It was the Nagi Reddy line that formed the political basis of the movement led by PCRC in Moga in 1972 .Without this line the mass movement would not have taken shape demarcting from left adventurism and right opportunism. Today Comrade Jaspal Jassi,chief editor of Punjabi revolutionary journal Surkh Leeh, upholds Nagi Reddy’s line as a genuine mass one feeling that he deferred armed struggle because the water had still not reached it’s boiling point in the pot.

Although Comrade DV Rao was the general Secretary the main prop or founder of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India was Comrade TN .Nevertheless he staunchly and with great humility binded by the line formulated by DV.

I do not have words to describe the intensity of the emotions or grief displayed at his funeral in Anathapur in 1976 which was reminiscent of a tidal wave or a flame shimmering in the hearts of people. People surged in from al over like a tornado emerging but ironically earlier were not allowed to even see the body in the hospital. Reading the account by Comarde Viswam literally touches the core of your soul.

INDIA MORTGAGED

Till today no intellectual has equalled the lucidity or analysis of Nagi Reddy.’s book ‘India Mortgaged. ‘In great depth it explored every sphere of Indian society ,particularly the feudal and anti-people agrarian conditions and the subservience of the Indian state to Soviet Social Imperialism..With the diligence of a professor or historian he summarizes why in essence the Independence India attained in 1947 was merely a transfer of powering lucid detail and most clinical direction he describes the nature of groups like Tata and Birla as a comprador bourgeosie and how Soviet aid was in essence imperialist trade. Vivid instances were narrated about the opression of the Harijan community particularly in Northern areas of Rajasthan ,Madhya Pradesh and Bihar or even Punjab. The plight of Harijans in bastis were described who were prevented from drinking water of the higher castes. or draw water from same wells. Above all it was in an economically advanced village. In the village high school not a single student belonging to the scheduled castes was admitted. The overall rise in prices forced the Harijans to demand a better wage for which they received massive resistance from the upper caste landlords.An incident was recounted of land was donated by the panchayat for building a village schoolto build a playground  which denied the Harijans access to their homes,with barbed wire installed around their houses. “The problem of untouchability is basically the problem of social and economic equality .Harijans are considered a necessary cogin the age old agricultural production system meant to provide cheap labour to the land owning classes. Even after two decades of independence, the social, economic conditions of scheduled castes in Punjab have not registered any marked improvement according to an official survey recently conducted in the state. A number of instances have been given in the report where other classes used their economic power as one of the weapons against those depressed classes in the Villages particularly in situations when scheduled castes make attempt sto assert their rights. It has taken the shape of their eviction from land, discontinuance of their employment and stopping of their renumeration as village servants.

In great detail TN summed up how the land ceilings cat was not implemented or land reforms explain the how the Indian big bourgeoisie landlord government empowered the landlord base. Incidents in Assam and Ganganagar in Rajasthan were given.

The horrific repression on civil liberties were highlighted like in  Kerala, Bihar, Punjab, West Bengal, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. The murders of innocent naxalites, in Punjab, and Kerala were touched upon with concrete examples like the death of Verghese in political custody, and killing of naxalites in encounter in Ropar,The barbaric treatment  of comrades in jails of Bihar in Pataa .Hazaribagh ,Ranchi,Dhanbad,Brah and Begusarai was reported where all jail rights promised were to no avail.The murder of Saroj Dutta ,inhuman condition sin Bengal jails,massacre by goondas in Kolkata in Barnagar and Cossipore and Tollygunj and destroy operation in Howrah was also covered.

With great substantiation of figures he countered the lies of intellectuals who hailed Nehruvian India as a liberated country and how landlordism still entrapped and engulfed India. In detail he described how the tribals were worst exploited. He revealed that India had 30 million Adivasis of which 95 % lived in rural areas, engaged as agricultural labourers ,inferior tenants and small peasants. In his view amongst the agricultural labourers the tribals were the worst off. He narrated the background or conditions that gave rise to the Girijan movement in Srikakulam in detail.

RELEVANCE OF COMRADE TN TODAY

No doubt Comrade DV Rao was the greater theoretician or better organiser but still to me not the equal of TN as a political leader to give shape to the massline.I don’t have an adjective to describe his great humility which he displayed by being a pupil of Comrade DV Rao throughout his political career. He foresake perhaps a career of what is a multi-milionare today if you consider the property he would have inherited or the money he could have earned as a professional lawyer. With neo-fascism at crescendo as never before the revolutionary democratic movement greatly misses a personality like Comrade TN. Today many opponents of Hindutva fascsim are vitiated by Gandhian or Amdekdarite trends and wish to forge unity with many sections of the ruling classes. On the economic front many intellectuals erroneously classify India as a capitalist country, failing to grasp its fundamental semi-colonial,semi-feudal nature. In a much cruder form history has repeated itself as in the Hyderabad Conspiracy case in 1970 with the incareceration of ‘urban maoists.’The situation is graver than in the time of Nagi Reddy with Hindutva fascsim infiltrating every sphere and every organ of the parliamentary democratic structure. Never has the economic crisis as gave as today with the farmers struggle on the verge of turning into an inferno .The judicial sytem has degenerated much more than when Nagi Redy lived with judgements patronising the path of the Hindutva fascist brigade. His political insight could have been invaluable with the victimisation of the Dalit movement and activists

I often visualize what would have been the impact of Nagi Reddy on the Indian revolutionary scene had he lived for another twenty years. I feel he would have acted as a boulder against the trend of splittism and opportunist unity so prevalent with the Unity Center of Communist Revolutionaries of India as well as in other groups. I recommend all comrades to read the letter TN wrote to Comrade DV shortly before his death where at the very root he exposed the true nature of revisionsim,left adventursim and rightist capitulation.TN’s guidance was the architect in giving shape to the revolutionary mass movement led by the Punjab Coordination Commitee of Communist revolutionaries or the Punjab Students Union and the Naujwan Bharat Sabha. I apologize if I am being subjective but I feel he would have tooth and nail ideologically countered the analysis of Brahmanical fascism,exposing it’s non-class content. I also feel he would have been a vocal opponent of the opportunist unity of 7 revolutionary groups into the C.P.I.(M.L) Janashakti in 1992 .I also think he would have actively combated the stagnation within the revolutionary movement where agrarian revolution was deferred on grounds of delayed re-organisation of the party or tend of ultra-secretism giving no channels for open party work. Still I would have loved to witness how Nagi Reddy’s thinking evolved in the era of globalisation, particularly on the impact of imperialism or capitalism on agriculture. His political ingenuity would have been most handy in analysing the nature of Indian fascism as distinct from that of Hitler’s Germany or Mussolini’s Italy or maybe even Chiang Kai Shek’s China. Today a pernicious trend exists which seeks unity with ruling class forces and singly attacks the fascism of the BJP .Such an approach fails to expose the base or essence of the autocratic political order placing faith in the parliamentary system. Nagi Reddy’s great insight would have helped democratic forces incorporate aspect of caste into the broader class struggles and link the caste with the class question. His influence is greatly missed in the civil liberties and democratic rights movement with a strong, cohesive democratic rights organisation or movement lacking. The practice or functioning of the Organisation for protection for Democratic Rights in the 1970’s was a n example of classical correctness .It confronted the trend that the democratic rights platform should be used for propagating political ideology like the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Commitee or should be only restricted to defending the constitution and not linking itself with the democratic revolutionary struggles. At an All-India level the formation of the All-India federation of Organisations for democratic Rights formed in Guntur in 1982 did the greatest justice to the line and practice of Nagi Reddy.After the 1990’s deviationist trends took place which diffused the democratic rights movement or organisation in Andhra Pradesh and Punjab. I could not imagine a personality more fitting than TN when the NRC-NPR was declared and opposition to it had reached a crescendo.

I would have loved TN coming to Mumbai which is often termed as the egg of Imperialism and deliver guidelines with his introspection. After his death  organisations professing his line could not build up any class mass organisations in Mumbai and only built work on the democratic rights front.

It is very hard to guage what Trend Nagi Reddy would have backed had he lived longer. I am almost certain he would have countered Comrade DV Rao in 1979 but I am uncertain that he would have in 1988 joint the Center of Communist Revolutionaries of India or later the Commmunist Party Re-Organisation centre of India (Marxist-Leninist)Still had he lived as a leader he may have played a role in eradicating mechanical approach and expanded the base of party work and mass organisations. Today even though a rightist force the ‘Proletarian line’ or DV section of UCCRI(ML) gives the most accurate or laudable appraisal of the achievements of Comrade TN.I myself was a participant in the TN birth centenary celebrations in Ananthapur of the DV group. where in meticulous depth many speakers paid a tribute to the revered comrade. The leadership was very critical of the ‘Viswam’ group or ‘Class Struggle group for inviting the revisionist parties from joining their platform. as well as counterposing the role of Comrade TN with that of DV.However their tailing behind the line of Social Imperialist China as DV did in 1978 virtually places them in the same boat. Ironically what was missed most was mass programme initiated by forces of the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India (Marxist-Leninist), the principal adherent of the T.Nagi Reddy line today.

TN would have probably stuck to differing armed struggle today on the basis of subjective conditions but probably have confronted the open functioning and parliamentary tends of groups that still uphold his name. A predominance trend has arisen amongst sections who have revised the principal contradiction in India to that of ‘An alliance of Imperialism with feudalism” instead of “Feudalism and the broad masses.”Nagi Reddy’s line and practice garnered famous revolutionary leaders like Harbhajan Sohi,Vasantada Ramalingachari or Gundahar Murmu.Today to me more than the failure of the Maoist forces or line it is the weakness of inablity to expand the line of Tarimela Nagi Reddy that is responsible for the setback in the Indian Communist Movement.

POSSIBLE WEAKNESSES OF COMRADE TN

Every great Communist too makes errors, even Marx,Lenin or Mao. It could be stated that Comrade TN resigned from the assembly late in 1969  and should have gone underground earlier. He was a member of parliament and open when the Srikakulam struggle was underway. After release from jail he also functioned openly till the declaration of emergency. Arguably the party structure of the Punjab Coordination Comitee led by Harbhajan Sohi was tighter.

Nagi Reddy’s analysis also did not sufficiently penetrate the nature of semi-feudalism in India  or the impact of imperialism. I feel he did not completely do justice to how the feudalism in India was of a different variety in India as in China or even the Indian bourgeoisie in terms of bargaining power.

CRYSTALLIZATION OF LINE OF COMRADE TN IN POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS

Today the line that is the main proponent or closest to his practice is that of the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India .(Marxist-Leninist).Sadly it has no blog or website of its own .Although  issues of its’ central Organ “The Comrade’ are available on website Banned Thought ,the state has blocked the site. The organisation had it’s central Conferences in 1995,2000 and in 2016.

Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India-1988

In 1988  5 groups ,namely the CPI(M.L.) led by Chandraskekar,the RCPI led by Jitender, e 2 UCCRI(M.L.) factions led by Harbhajan Sohi and Anand and the  O.C.C.P.I.(M.L.) led by Raghubir  merged to form the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (C.C.R.I.)The formation of the Centre of Comunist Revolutionaries of India had historical significance, as since the formation of U.C.C.R.I.M.L in 1975 there were so may splits.

Theoretically, it was the soundest amongst all revolutionary sections and it’s practice in Orissa and Punjab Outstanding. It enhanced the consolidation of the All India Revolutionary Movement.A 2 line struggle was undertaken by comrade Anand within the U.C.C.R.I.M.L of led by Viswam ,on similar grounds that Comrada H.B S split the organization.

The chief architects of this organization were the 2 Comrades Anand and Harbhajan Sohi.Although Comrade Anand(from Andhra Pradesh) remained in the Muktigami period for long time(even after the H.B.S split in 1979) in the author’s opinion the revolutionary Movement has to be sympathetic with his long struggle as he remained within the original organsation with the interests of Unity in mind.

One was the issue of the Chinese three Worlds theory, the other was on the question of elections and mass Organisations.There were strong tendencies in Anand’s view of right deviation-like participation in election s or supporting candidates and impostion of the party’s policies on mass organsiations.5 organisations after a continuous process of bilateral negotiations united.

The 1977 Appendix documents written by Harbhajan Sohi were taken as the Organisation’s international line.

In Punjab  it played a vanguard role in leading the movement and no organization contributed more on the theoretical or practical plane ..This organization made a major contribution in the revolutionary democratic movement in the Khalistani period with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L and developed cores of mass revolutionary resistance against the Khalistani Terrorism.

Major mass resistance rallies were led by a mass resistance front formed by them at Moga in 1987 and at Sewawla in 1991 and 1992.

True they were unable to work in all districts of Punjab (Their Front functioned principally in Ludhiana ,Faridkot and Bhatinda districts and was inactive in many districts)) and and a revolutionary peasant movement had not been built statewide but their experience was a heroic lesson

It also played a major role in the building of mass agarian revolutionary line of the Adivasi movement in Malkangiri in Orissa.

In Andhra Pradesh it’s forces attempted to consolidate the Srikakulam Girijan movement ’The most significant contribution of this organization was the theoretical and practical correctness on the relationship of mass organizations with the Party

It stressed on the Party functioning democratically within the mass organizations and helping them develop their democratic identity.One major theoretical development was the stand on elections where they explained how conditions were not accessible for carrying out tactics of ‘active boycot’t or participation in Parliamentary elections.

There were also units in Rajasthan and Maharashtra where Trade Union and Democratic Rights work was consolidated and efforts made to have correct mass approach on trade Union Front. Played an important role in guiding the democratic Rights movement in Mumbai in Maharashtra wit correct perspective particularly in times of 1992-93 riots, and state repression in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.In West Bengal trade Union movement was consolidated and major trade Union struggles were led capturing the Unions.

It also had revolutionary peasant Movement work in Bihar which later was absorbed by the Party Unity Section. For some time some struggles carrying the torch of the mass line were implemented ,particularly against the Bhagalpur riots in 1989. Inspite  of split in 1988 of U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.) the All-India Federation of Organizations for democratic Rights. formed in 1982. flourished in it’s total capability with significant sammelan in 1990.

In the author’s view inspite of such a theoretically strong line was unable to inspire an Effective All-India Campaign through mass platforms to expose the fact that it was revisionism that had collapsed in 1989 and not Socialism.

A sustained campaign as a mass political level should have been organized  to defend Mao Tse Tung Thought and Socialism.

Also perhaps not sufficiently consolidated the mass agrarian revolutionary line by developing peoples armed squads or rd defense corpses so much needed to sustain peasant’s resistance.. It is debatable whether it was premature to carry out an armed struggle in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar in certain regions considering strength of peasant movement.(It had an organisation in Bihar that time which later disaffiliated itself).

There was also arguably not enough of practice in resistance against state terrorism during the Khalistani era with more emphasis on the Khalistani forces than the state and inadequate revolutionary armed protection or self-defence  aginst the Khalistani fascists as shown in Sewewal in 1009 when 18 mass activists were martyred

Communist Party Re-organization Centre of India (Marxist-Leninist) in August 1994.- C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.)

A New Marxist Leninist Revolutionary Centre, the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist Leninist)was formed in August 1994 through the merger of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India ,with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L (C.T C.P.I.M.L) ,the Communist Unity Centre of India and the Marxist Leninist Organising Centre. and the organisation claimed to be the one within which principally the proletarian revolutionary line has been built up .Significantly the Unity Declaration was signed in December 1993 in the month of Comrade Mao Tse Tung’s 100th birth anniversary.

The merger of the Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India with the Central Team C.P.I.(M.L)  had great significance as both groups evolved from different streams. The Central Team descended from the Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) Stream while the C.C.R.I belonged to the Tarimela Nagi Reddy stream. Historically the relationship between Nagi Reddy-D.V.Rao with Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) of 169 was antagonistic .DV.Rao termed it terrorist while C.T.group from 1978 always uphed the 1969 C.P.I.(M.L) and negated Nagi Reddy as a revisionist. The work together in the mass political movement against Khalistani terrorism brought them together. The non Punjab section of C.T.contiunued to uphold the C.P.I.(M.L.)of 1969 and morally upheld the armed struule of Peoples War group in Dandkaranya.

After a continuous process of bilateral transactions this unity took place. The fact that it took such a long, protracted process reflects the principled approach of the Unity. Comrade S.Pratap was elected the secretary.The organization states that the proletarian revolutionary trend lies within various Communist Revolutionary groups and that the proletarian revolutionary party has still to be formed. They brought out their basic Documents in 1995 after their Inaugural Conference. This new formation is closer to Comrade Mao’s line than any other organization in India on the theoretical and practical plane.

Only with forming revolutionary alternative organs of political power and adequate political consciousness’ can the tactic of ‘active boycott’of elections be implemented Its basic Documents explain that today the co-relation between the revolutionary forces with the enemy has not been sufficiently developed to carry out armed Struggle. It explains the meaning of creating revolutionary base areas and military guerilla Zones .

A profound contribution of the unity is not making the issue of whether 1969 formation of the C.P.I.M.L was correct or not.(It would be a matter to be decided only when the party was re-organised. Earlier this was a major controversy amongst revolutionary Groups)It is interesting that one of the components of this organization the C.P.I.M.L(C.T.)earlier insisted that the 1969 formed Organisation led by Charu Mazumdar was the actual party.

The merger of the Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India with the Central Team C.P.I.(M.L)  had great significance as both groups evolved from different streams.The Central Team descended from the Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) Stream while the C.C.R.I belonged to the Tarimela Nagi Reddy stream. Historically the relationship between Nagi Reddy-D.V.Rao with Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) of 169 was antagonistic .DV.Rao termed it terrorist while C.T.group from 1978 always uphed the 1969 C.P.I.(M.L) and negated Nagi Reddy as a revisionist. The work together in the mass political movement aginst Khalistani terrorism brought them together. The non Punjab section of C.T.contiunued to uphold the C.P.I.(M.L.)of 1969 and morally upheld the armed struggle of Peoples War group in Dandkaranya.

In West Bengal the organization made significant progress in capturing the unions working as fractions within the yellow unions. They gave emphasis on the linking of trade Union Struggles of all sections of the workers Union Struggles irrespective of the political Group leading them..In Andhra Pradesh similarly it created significant trade Union Solidarity movements in Bobbili region of Srikakulam..This is significant in the light of neglect of political work amongst the erstwhile C.P.I.(M.L.)PWG  on the workers front or in the urban areas. It played an important role in guiding revolutionary mass work. It initiated the formation of revolutionary mass papers and strived to develop the correct practice in the trade Unions as against right opportunist and left sectarian practices. It initiated forming a revolutionary workers solidarity platform to co-ordinate workers struggles.

.One Activist From Mumbai attended an Election programe in Punjab in January 1998 and thought he never witnessed such revolutionary democratic Functioning. Similar views were awarded to the Malkangari Adivasi Movement by a team of Activists from Mumbai. Even Comrade Sunder Navalkar,in the period of the early 1990’s praised the approach of the organization.

Avenues have been created for militant peasant struggles of landless labourers in pockets in the State and for miltant district or statewide peasant struggles amongst the landed peasantry. A revolutionary alternative had been projected through the Party Organisation and the manner of projection(especially as projected by the Rajjeana Campaign and the Election campaign) displays strong theoretical correctness.. In 1998 and 1999 ,2004 ,2008 ,2012 and 6 the Organisations under their guidance  carried out election campaigns in Punjab which created a major impact where the tactics of active political campaign in contrast to Active Boycott or Participation were implemented. Other groups could hardly make any effect. The content of the party leaflet encouraged the party ranks and followers to distribute it wide for mass consumption. The wide range of issues were explained in simple language.The immediate practical alternative was projected in the leaflet so that people could easily grasp it’s contents.

In Orissa a mass line was developed in Malkangiri region higher than the Maoist party did. Major struggles in Padmagiri-Pandripeni resisting the cutting of bamboo tress by the politician-contractor nexus, opposing the building of HAMCO pipeline etc. were launched. Democratic revolutionary mass organisation functioning reached its highest level and so did armed resistance of Adivasis with conventional weapons. The work was far more effective than that of erstwhile People’s War group armed squads. It was one of the finest ever implementations of mass line in the post-naxalbari period. Every year a successful May Day rally is held in Balimela mobilsing around 7500-10000 adivasis. Currently all the district level conferences are being organised to prepare for the state level conference later this year. A mass revolutionary peasant uprising may not have taken place but there have been demonstrations of peasants in Orissa and Punjab defending their rights or offering mass resistance against enemy forces carrying traditional armed weapons. The election programmes by mass organisations and fronts influenced by the party line in Punjab in 1998, 1999, 2004, 2012 and 2017 were striking examples of creating a base for a mass revolutionary political movement, particularly among the peasantry.

In 2016 the CPRCI (ML) completed its regular conference after a long period. This conference was held after a plenum held 15 years earlier. All the delegates were congratulated for making it successful. It was attended by delegates from Punjab, Orissa, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal and Maharashtra .Tributes were paid to all the martyred activists and at the inauguration of conference a veteran leader from Srikakulam movement, Ankush was selected general secretary.

For one thing the trend of the movement guided by the CPRCI (ML) is the most progressive one in Punjab. Arguably nowhere have such progressive open struggles occurred in the entire country so consistently defending base of agrarian revolutionary movement even if it has not been built and so painstakingly educating the broad peasantry on revolutionary class struggle.

The line of T Nagi Reddy had a great role and impact in developing the mass line in the organisations in Punjab from the 1970’s.

In recent years Nazar Singh Boparai, the owner and now editor of journal Surkh Rekha launched a vendetta on the practice of Harbhajan Sohi and the journal claiming that it was not supporting armed agrarian revolution but leaning towards economism. Unlike in the previous 2 decades now pages of Surkh Rekha endorse the line of the CPI (Maoist) while Surkh Leeh upholds the Nagi Reddy-HBS line even if it disclaims being an organ of any group. Still all the mass organisation leaders were vociferously critical of Boparai’s criticism and stood with Surkh Leeh.

Recent struggle of the BKU (Ugrahan) resisting the administration for 50 days in Bathinda in July of 2016 and Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union capturing plots in Lambi region and its 3 day protest there in September 2016 display the progress. It was hardly reported in the mainstream media. Also memorable was the joint landed labour-landless labour protest for 7 days in Bathinda which won important demands after besieging the city in February 2014. In mass programmes they could mobilise upto even 15-20,000 Peasants amongst landed peasantry. Also of great significance have been the protests of the Democratic Front against Operation Green Hunt like in Moga and Barnala last April which have played a major role in building public opinion against fascistic acts of the state. Some great protests against false encounter in Malkangri last year, against death sentence on Maruti workers etc. On the youth front a famous rally and conference was held commemorating Shaheed Bhagat Singh last September in Barnala with over 10000 participants, mainly comprising landless and poor peasant youth.

Significant that Scott Harrison of Massline from USA and Nicholas Glais from Wales of Democracy and Class Struggle have been subtle admirers of the CPRCI (ML) in spite of being staunch supporters of the CPI (Maoist).In recent days Comrade Hindol Mazumdar  from West Bengal has shown great support for the line of this organisation ,feeling it is more correct than even that of the C.P.I.(Maoist)

Even if theoretically the most correct overall it exhibited mechanical approach towards building party and agrarian revolution. It needs to develop protracted people’s war concept applying more originality with the conditions in India and more flexibility towards party-building. Even if subjective conditions do not exist for launching armed struggle they have to sharpen building of agrarian revolutionary resistance and attract more intellectuals through seminars of open mass fronts.

Today, apart from the state of Punjab one witnesses no other major open mass struggles led by the organisation in any part of India. It projects the party banner with posters only in Punjab and rarely issues statements. Sufficient legal political forums have not been created to propagate the political line like other communist revolutionary sections, accounting for preservation of underground structure of party organisation.

In the times of D V Rao and Nagi Reddy in the 1970’s open party organs were published and openly distributed. Correct not to function or hold meetings with the party banner but in certain times official party litearure should be displayed in political mass programmes. It was unable to stage an open seminar on 50 years of naxalbari or Russian revolution centenary. Only by adopting more open approach can it build mass organisations. It has also hardly formed open sectional organisations of youth, students, workers and peasants like the erstwhile constituents of the CPI (Maoist) or CPI(ML) New Democracy. There is also no all-India mass political front formed in any sector be it workers, peasants, cultural groups or students.

A strong foundation for movement of agricultural dalit labourers is lacking in Punjab who are not sufficiently integrated with the landed peasantry for agrarian revolution. There is also a decline in the base of students and workers front with forces considerably reduced in the urban centres, like the electricity workers and steel workers. The student and youth organisations cannot hold state level rallies like in the decade of the 1970’s. Today there is a significant decline in the organised movement in Malkangiri Adivasi movement where the Maoist party is much more active. Activities continue but not with the impact of 10-15 years ago, combating the landlords and the state and protecting the armed movements. The party made an important note in the 2016 conference that in spite of taking the struggle of Adivasis in Malkangiri in Orissa against timber mafia to a crescendo it was unable to create a sufficient party base. It noted that in the end the struggle diminished because of inability to sufficiently develop the party organisation. In fact last September in view of the convenor of the Malkangiri Adivasi Sangh the Party placed undue emphasis on the factor of party re-organisation and not enough on agrarian revolutionary movement. It deferred building of agrarian revolutionary movement because of placing undue importance on party re-organisation.

In  2019 this spirit Bristled again with a massive 10000  strong state level conferences in solidarity with self-determination of the people of Kashmir, comprising mainly youth of the peasantry  and other democratic sections. In Malerkotla in 202 in February the scene was reminiscent of a tornado erupting with over 50000 people attending  a protest against NRC-NPR.In recent Delhi farmers protest the Nagi Reddy line had a major influence on shaping the practice of the BKU(Ugrahan)

2016 CONFERENCE of C.P.RCI (M.L.)-Compile from ‘The Comrade’ Vol II no 1.

In 2016 the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) completed it’s regular conference after a long period. This conference was held after a plenum held 15 years earlier. All the delegates were congratulated for making it successful. It was attended by delegates from Punjab,Orissa,Rajasthan,Andhra Pradesh,West Bengal and Maharashtra .Tributes were paid to all the martyred comrades and at the inauguration of conference a veteran comrade from Srikakulam from Srikakulam movement.3 proceedings took place.

1.On question of how qualitatively different types of inner-organization struggle. Some groups struggle over differences of basic line itself.

Others have differences within the framework of the basic line.A discussion and verdict in favour of one of the tow documents as the official document of the organization

.2.The election of the new central body and the discussion about it’s designation.

3. The resolution on recent significant developments. At the conclusion the central leading commitee declared the conference as successful in passing through an experience of inner party struggle within the frame of the basic line, respective of the bearing sof the differences on our practical orientation.

We are in the process of learning to take the differences within the frame of our basic line as the normal phenomenan of a CR organization. It is the presence, not the absence of differences in a cr organization ,which underlines the significance of democratic centralism. Thus we have consistently practiced democratic centralism.

The organization highlighted ‘Regarding broad contours of the plan direction” which included laying the material foundation for all india leadership to the revolutionary movement by re-organizing the party on the qualitatively developed basis of unity of the basic line, to lay the foundation for initiating the armed struggle for seizure of power by building agrarian revolutionary movement to level of forcible seizure of land and to lay the foundation of the united front of revolutionary classes on basis of worker-peasant analysis.All these tasks are inter-related.

NOTES ON AGRARIAN REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT

The notes below reproduced from ‘the Comrade’ show how thorough the CPRCI ML is on the relationship between  the development of re-organization of the proletarian party with the agrarian revolutionary movement an d how the Agrarian revolutionary movement(ARM) is connected with the peoples democratic revolutionary movement(PDRM).Such an analysis is a lesson for all cadres. This very understanding was the basis for the success of the Organization in Punjab and earlier in Orissa.

The strategic concept finds the concrete expression in the general tactical concept of agrarian revolutionary movement as the axis of people’s democratic revolutionary movement. The present phase is objectively determined by the fcat that the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses of people is not only a basic contradiction but a principal contradiction.For giving conscious expression to the objective logic of the principal contradiction ,we are to identify the imperatives of adressing and promoting the people’s aspect of this contradiction.

The principal task of the reorganization of the party in present reorganization phase is to be viewed not in isolation but in context of the above stated imperatives of the general tactical concept.As stated in the document,”in,overall context the present Party Reorganization phase of communist revolutionary movement of India can be said to be sub phase of the agrarian phase of the revolution.It has it’s specifities and peculiarities ,differentiating it from the higher sub-phases.

The very centrality as well as the principality of the Party re-organizing task means that task is essential for translating the general tactical concept of ARM as axis and PDRM into practice. The conscious expression to the objective logic of the unfolding of the principal contradiction and requirements of building the agrarian revolutionary movement ‘demand proletarian leadership.lThe working class can excercise it’s leadership over the pdr ,primarily through the organization of it’s political vanguard i.e.the communist party. All the facets and phases of this process of building the agrarian revolutionary movement and revolutionary organization of the rural people ,the proletarian vanguard organization plays the crucial role.

In the absence of the vanguard leadership, the realization of agrarian revolutionary movement as axis of PDRM has no scope. It is destined to remain confined in general democratic boundaries. Weakness of the party vanguard also means dilution of the PDRM content and relatively free scope for bourgeois democratic colouring of the axis. The leadership of the party as the chief expression of the hegemony of the proletariat is an indispensable requirement of the Indian revolution and the ARM too.

The path document takes the political development of the party not as concern of the proletariat solely but objectively the revolutionary concern of the people. Development of party is general problem of the Indian people. The concrete advance of ARM towards floating the magic weapon of armed struggle is organically linked with the state of other magic weapons i.e.the united front and the party.’Prospects of building in our concrete experience the available ARM suffered because in one of the major revolutionary movement areas the crucial requirement of effectively operative vanguard instrument could not be fulfilled.Due to deficiencies in method of implementing line, in a systematic manner, instead of laying the ground for consolidating the instrument of the vanguard, exhausted it’s energies. Lack of united front aspect involving presence of all the revolutionary classes reflected the limitation.

REVIEW OF STRUGGLES

The party reflected a dialectical method of analysis applying mass line. Here are examples of experiences in Punjab and Orissa.The analysis deploys the Marxist -Leninist –Maoist approach to the vanguard party and it’s leading role .

In Punjab most significant struggle in early years of the mass organization was the struggle aginst the brutal murder of 2 agricultural labourers by a landlord. The landlord was put behind bars because of the prolonged struggle. The struggle experience, again became a witness to existence of crude forms of semi-feudal exploitation ,domination and oppression, resembling land-slavery in some aspects the point was highlighted in context of struggle with various wrong trends.

A partial review highlighted the significance of the initiative and leading role of agricultural labour in creating the political organizational basis of agricultural labour-peasant alliance .The other was properly resressing the question of dalit consciousness to boost it’s positive aspect and provide the required political direction,so that the phenomenan may not overlap the objective pricipal contradiction because of lack of proper direction.

The most glaring manifestation of advance was crucial element of anti-feudal edge. It was distinctly reflected though proper placing of debt problem,particulary against shackles of private money lending in demands as part of alternative action program.(The hub of previous action program of union had been the linking of prices of agriculture commodities with price index, a manifestation of rich peasant-landlord domination on the union. To be more exact it manifested the domination of these classes on the overall peasant movement in the state. It was because the mass organization in the state under review was the most prominent organization with social base among peasant masses..)This was a milestone achievement and diluted a major factor blocking political development in context of principal contradiction.

The LC review while noting the significant advance in relation to owner peasant masses assessed it in frame of building revolutionary agrarian movement. It reminded the ranks that the purpose of work in the economist reformist platform was, to acquire neccessary minumum mass based and activist force. The method of building an independent revolutionary peasant organization depended on successful and careful implementation of alternative action program elements. It was pointed out ,how the devaluation of intensifying principle contradiction was a running thread in major wrong tactical responses of wrong trends. How the devaluation of the contradiction led to the conceptual devaluation of the struggle for mere anti-repression struggle, overlooking the underlying resentment of peasantry  against unbearable semi-feudal exploitation .How the tactic of united activity of the mass organization with the ruling class parties indicated a tendency to avoid or reject the imperatives of principal contradiction How such devaluation led to underassessment of struggle potential and rightist tactics in relation to forms of struggle. How, the factor was contributory to tendency of soft corner towards usurious commission agents and the rural moneylenders.

The struggle against wrong trends on question of responding to principal contradiction ,also adressed the complicated interplay of 2 basic contradictions. The significant issue of debate was question of making a dent in stagnation of the peasant movement and the mass organization. The response of wrong trends to temporary stagnation betrayed a lack of grasp about the concrete unfolding of the non-principal basic contradiction.
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And this debate was also settled through practice .It was because of the conscious direction taken that temporary stagnation faded away thwarting the collaborationist leadership of the mass organization sand the wrong trends of the cr camp. The process of, more or less all round advance of peasant movement proved the correctness of our analysis and practice through the prsim of class struggle.  Some famous and popular struggles later, emerged as further pillars of crucial and demarcating firm direction of building agrarian revolutionary movement.

Our state unit passed through an experience of artful combination of unity and struggle on agricultural labourers front. It was inrecation to sectarian twist to issues of agricultural labourers by C.P.I.(M.L.)Liberation. Complications emerged when issue of claim on reserved panchayat lease rights for dalit peasantry was misdirected against middle and poor peasantry .It flared up contradiction among different layers of peasantry on class lines while on the other hand gave an excuse for the state to target repression on the dalit community.

Another significant aspect demanding attention was to create mass base in industrial workers, situated in centers surrounded by rural pockets of peasant movement. The energy devoted to workers struggles at different places in different forms was not small in given situation. But it lacked live consciousness about the systematic efforts for preparing industrial workers for leading agrarian movement. The objective scope for the task increased in our work pockets with increasing number of new contract workers from peasant families.T he significance of creating atleast one other center of industrial workers under our influence was noted in LC plan,but only from angle of maintaining continuity in case of some major setback to the work in already existing center.The new L.C.plan after latest state conference has put the task in better perspective .

The LC noted that the entrenchment of revolutionary direction in mass organization demanded to speed up the activities of the revoilutionary political front. It is to project the agrarian revolutionary program and politic sin intelligible forms to peasantry. Still the most crucial task is cultivating and developing party forces.

In terms of unfolding the principal contradiction the struggle sharply brought to light the operation of the aspect of feudalism in its interconnections as a system. It provided much favourable base for highlighting and promoting the much required political expression to contradiction. In relation to other aspect of contradiction ,the struggle had touched the underlying feeling of the adivasis for their right to land and jungle.The L.C. appreciatively made all possible efforts for conscious political expression to contradiction.#

The L.C.self-critically noted that ‘even after waging two glorious and militant struggles ,party had remained incapable in creating even a semblance of party structure or any party activities. Thus instead of balanced and integrated development , a relatively lopsided and unbalanced growth of the two was going on. This chasm was increasing day by day. Even the gains of another successful struggle against tiber mafia could not be consolidated for want of proper instrument for that.

The document reflected the understanding that the objective pressure for major struggles is not a negative phenomenan itself. On the contrary, it indicated the scope and opportunities for building armed agrarian revolutionary movement. The significant thing is to respond in a conscious and planned manner ,with a focus on creating and consolidating the very instrument to realize the potential for the purpose.

Thus the document properly combined the party re-organization task wit the task of building agrarian revolutionary leadership.The position was in line with significance of building nucleus of local party leadership as an instrument of exercising party leadership in the movement as conceived by Mao thought and explained by CPC under his leadership.

It underlines the significance of filling the essential gaps in the areas marked as revolutionary movement building areas. Except getting neccssary approach and base amongst united front classes, the task prominently demnads cultivation of party forces.

At present the greatest priority has to be given to mental, technical, and political preparation of the revolutionary force for self defense of the movement, particularly revolutionary peasant movement.
Major areas wee selected as revolutionary movement building areas and conceived as focal points of integrated party work. This was given major importance for creating scope for building a sustainable revolutionary peasant movement and eventually by integrating the whole structure of our political mass work there around the axis of the peasant movement.

Our concrete plan of tasks and policies throughout the present phase of the Indian Revolution must be imbibed with consciousness to take requirements of building agrarian revolutionary movement  as central reference point .The present phase of Indian revolution here means the entire phase covering the period with contradiction between feudalism and broad mases of the people as the principle contradiction.

The current phase of revolutionary movement, the phase of preparation for armed struggle, is part of the long present phase of Indian Revolution .The current phase will culminate in initiation of people’s armed struggle which is the intermediate perspective. It demands that the anti-feudal struggles are to be stabilized as sustained agrarian revolutionary movement..The movement is to be raised to the development of armed struggle.

Further it has to be sustained and deepened as armed agrarian revolutionary movement as the central reference point for seizure of political power.

The culmination of the current phase in initiation of armed struggle will also mark the beginning of the next phase, i.e.armed phase for implementing, the seizure and redistribution of land as well as the seizure of political power, as immediate action slogans. In the period before the culmination, the slogans are to be popularized through propaganda combined wit people’s action on immediate issues in the same direction but un suitable lower forms of struggle and organization.

Keeping in view the overall level of revolutionary movement in our leadership, our immediate plan must be addressed to the task of transforming the anti-feudal struggles into sustained agrarian revolutionary movement and strengthening the anti feudal edge of the revolutionary movement. The prime move mental task is to be provided a boost by addressing the twin task of projecting the revolutionary alternative.

The Significance and priority of different fronts and ars should be decided according to concrete imperatives of the Communist Party. It means concentration of forces for rural work with central significance to the peasant masses.

Keeping in view the scarcity of party forces we are to demarcate the areas in our fold between revolutionary movement building areas and the areas of revolutionary propaganda and agitation. Generally the revolutionary movement needs a variety of revolutionary movement building areas in region sf strategic relevance as well as other areas as supportive areas of political base

But due to limited base today and reach of movement and the party the margins are much narrow. If other factors are to be the same the areas of strategic relevance with peasant base .The overall state of party forces is another significant factor for choice.

With a view to provide proletarian leadership to the agrarian revolutionary movement our concrete plans of task in different areas must proceed with the conception of simultaneously building the twin strands of worker peasant movement in a single pocket. From this angle, it must proceed with an approach of bridging the gap between the respective areas of base among peasant masses and industrial workers. The selection of areas or industries for intensive work should be determined by 2 strategic considerations.

The 1st is to develop closer ties with the masses and for making intervention in favour of te agrarian revolutionary movement. Next is the consideration that industries  to be selected should have a crucial role in the smooth running of the whole economic system, providing workers movement the necessary striking power to deliver incapacitating blows to the system, during unflding revolutionary offensive.

We need concrete steps to equip our forces on the workers front with the live consciousness of the implications of the proletarian class leadership of the agrarian revolutionary movement for our work generally as well as inte specific areas. The conception alos imply that the overall operation of the party forces must be brought in line wit the requirements of providing proletarian leadership to the agrarian revolutionary movement from the party platform..

For effectively building ARM on track, concrete analysis of concrete conditions in specific regions or pockets is necessary .It is necessary for preparing action programme as wella s for a concrete approach to specific issues coming in the way of properly building the ARM.The range,priority and depth of the issues regarding such a concte analysis should be decided with a pruning approach.

That should be keeping in view the overall capacity and strength of the concerned Leading Commitee ,the integration of party forces with the masses in the specific area, concrete assesmemt about urgency regarding clarity  on the specific issues in term sof positive as well as negative fallouts of the movement in term sof quality and quantity and the state of party forces deployed in the area..The issues or aspects of the issues being faced as bottlenecks for the next higher round of concrete advance must be differentiated and picked for priority attention.

For effectively, building and leading the agrarian revolutionary revolutionary movement and rte-organizing the party ,were are to grasp the relationship between the ARM and the task of party organization. The disintegration of the CR forces has largely contributed to the inadequacy of the ARM under proletarian leadership, generally as well as particularly under the leadership of our forces. The re-organization of the party with qualitatively developed line, organization and leadership will definitely mark a qualitative jump in the ARM buiding.

In our practice we are to place the party organization in pivotal role in both the aspects of the work.i.e.the building of democratic revolutionary movement with ARM as it’s axis as well as the task of party building. We are to gear both the aspects of the revolutionary movement i.e.the revolutionary mass movement building towards the central task of party re-organization.Now we are top proceed with determination and concrete course to remove these deficiencies in practice.

The other task in the phase to be concretely materialized mainly in the process of agrarian revolutionary movement building i.e.the preparation for armed struggle and the task of laying foundation s for the united front are also crucial.

To be able to be really effective, all our leading commites should be committees of professional revolutionaries. But our present organization is deficient in this regard. There should be an outline of concrete stepping stonesmin  a sequence ,for transformation of the committees into committees of professional revolutionaries. Our organizational line defines the criteria of a professional revolutionary which should be our reference point.

Our experience has further underlined the significance of addressing the task of addressing the task of self defence of the revolutionary democratic movement. The plan must address the concrete requirements of guidance regarding the task in suitable and proper forms.

Harsh Thakor is a political commentator who has touted India,mainly Punjab and written on mass movements, massline,Tarimela Nagi Reddy line,International Communist Movement etc on blog slike Ottos War Room, Democracy and Class Struggle,Frontierweekly etc.

Email-thakor.harsh5@gmail.com


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